3 May 2025

Beyond Limited War: India’s Path to Strategic Coercion After Pahalgam

Sajid Farid Shapoo

On April 22, the serene meadows of Pahalgam, a celebrated tourist destination in Kashmir, became the site of a horrifying terrorist attack. Twenty-six civilians – mostly Indian tourists – were gunned down in an act that bore the chilling hallmarks of calculated brutality. The attack, claimed by a little-known outfit, The Resistance Front (TRF), with suspected links to Lashkar-e-Taiba, shattered not only lives but the fragile illusion of normalcy in the Kashmir Valley. The massacre has ignited national grief and outrage and also forced India’s strategic and military thinkers to confront a recurring dilemma: how to respond punitively, yet wisely, in a high-stakes nuclear neighborhood.

From the 2001 Parliament attacks to the Pulwama strike, India has repeatedly faced the same conundrum: how to punish Pakistan without triggering a nuclear crisis. Each response – Operation Parakram’s costly mobilization (2001–02), the surgical strikes (2016), and the cross-border Balakot airstrike (2019) – did not yield the desired results. Today, as calls for “limited war” resurge, India must realize that symbolic military action alone cannot coerce a nuclear-armed adversary that views terrorism as a low-cost, high-reward tool.

Still, voices that believe that a calibrated military response could coerce Pakistan to rein in cross-border terrorism and dismantle the terror infrastructure are getting louder. The logic of coercion, compelling a change in adversary behavior, has thus moved from academic circles to television studios and strategic briefings. But as history and theory remind us, such paths are rarely straightforward. The fragile understanding of the concept of coercion and an even shakier grasp of what “limited war” entails further complicates the matter.

Pahalgam Attack Tests West Asian Countries’ Neutrality

Rushali Saha

In the wake of the deadly terror attack in Pahalgam — initially claimed by The Resistance Force (TRF), an affiliate of the Pakistan-based Lashkar-e-Taiba — India-Pakistan relations have deteriorated dangerously. Based on evidence of “cross-border linkages,” the Indian government has blamed the terror attack on Islamabad and acted against it by suspending the 1960 Indus Waters Treaty, among other measures.

Islamabad has denied involvement in the attack and has announced a series of “tit-for-tat” responses, which include holding all bilateral agreements with India, including the 1972 Simla Agreement, in abeyance. The Pakistan Senate even passed a resolution describing the attack as an “orchestrated campaign to malign Pakistan,” suggesting that New Delhi was “exploiting terrorism narratives for political gain.”

In the aftermath of the attack, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi received calls from at least 16 foreign leaders, who condemned the attack. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu came out strongly in support of India, describing the act as an “Islamic terrorist attack.” In light of concerns of military escalation between two nuclear-armed nations, countries such as the United States and United Kingdom have taken a more balanced approach, calling upon both New Delhi and Islamabad to behave responsibly. Referring to the historical conflict in the disputed border region, U.S. President Donald Trump remarked that India and Pakistan will “sort it out one way or another,” indicating no appetite in Washington to engage in mediatory efforts.

Courting The Taliban, China, India, And Russia Make Overtures – Analysis

Ray Furlong

Afghanistan’s Taliban rulers were shunned by foreign governments after seizing power in 2021 but have recently notched up some big wins in their diplomatic efforts to forge international ties.

This week, Indian special envoy Anand Prakash was in Kabul for talks with senior Taliban leaders on boosting political and trade links.

That came after Uzbek Foreign Minister Bakhtiyor Saidov hosted a Taliban delegation in Tashkent to talk about a proposed trans-Afghan rail link.

And last week, in the biggest win of all, Russia removed the Taliban from its list of terrorist organizations and agreed that ambassadors would be appointed in Kabul and Moscow.

Nobody has recognized the Taliban regime, yet. The militant rulers have been widely criticized for widespread human rights violations, particularly against women and girls.

But things are moving toward their ultimate goal of acceptance in international circles.

“There’s a growing feeling that the great powers are starting to compete among themselves to recognize a terrorist organization,” Afghan political analyst Fakhim Kukhdomani told RFE/RL’s Current Time.

Are India’s Missiles Stronger than Pakistan’s? Here’s a Head-to-(War)Head Comparison

Harrison Kass

The massacre of Indian tourists in the disputed Kashmir region has ratcheted up tensions between long-time rivals India and Pakistan, raising the prospects for open conflict between South Asia’s two nuclear powers. Let’s continue our examination of the respective military prowesses of both India and Pakistan—focusing specifically on missile technology, which is likely to play a major role in any future conflict.

India’s Long History of Missile Capabilities

India has a rich history of deploying missile technology. During the 18th century, the Kingdom of Mysore—located in southern India—was the first nation to ever deploy iron-cased rockets in warfare. These rockets were highly effective against the British, and the British soon copied them and put them to use in their own army—most notably during the attack on Fort McHenry in Baltimore. The rocket with the “red glare” in “The Star-Spangled Banner” is a British-adapted Mysore rocket.

India’s pursuit of modern military technology began immediately following their independence from the United Kingdom. Despite several technological and diplomatic hurdles—namely, the denial of missile-facilitating technology from more scientifically advanced nations like the U.S., Germany, and France—India has developed a breadth of missile technology, including intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), making her one of just seven nations on Earth with ICBM technology.

Japanese Investors’ Strategic Shift To India From China And ASEAN, To Rein In Global Trade Tensions – Analysis

Subrata Majumder

China and ASEAN have always been the prime destinations for Japanese investment in Asia. But, there was a turnaround in the trajectory of investment destination with global trade tension intensifying. India emerged as the second biggest destination for Japanese investment in Asia, followed by China and ASEAN (except Singapore) in 2023 and 2024.

The seeds of a new era of overall India–Japan relations, including economic and political dynamism, were sown with the legacy of the Abe regime. The new era of India -Japan relations diversified from a mere bilateral economic relation to specific strategic relation, including defence and global partnership. The relation extended to a joint partnership for economic development in third countries, development of AAGC project (Asia Africa Growth Corridor), and the joint cooperation for development of Chabahar Port in Iran. The new era gave strong backbone to India-Japan special strategic and global partnership in political dynamism.

Giving strength to Shinzo Abe’s policy for combating China’s rise in power, followed by the COVID 19 pandemic, Japanese investment made a sharp downturn in China in the post Abe period. It fell from US$11,024 million in 2020 to US$3,305 million in 2024, leaving a big space for India to attract Japanese investment. Eventually, Japanese investment in India surged five times more in the post Abe period, from US$ 1,570 million in 2020 to US$5,341 million in 2024.

India and Pakistan Are Perilously Close to the Brink

Sushant Singh

On April 24, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi stood before a crowd in the northern state of Bihar and, in a rare shift from his usual Hindi, delivered a warning in English: “India will identify and punish every terrorist and their backers. We will pursue them to the ends of the earth. India’s spirit will never be broken by terrorism. Terrorism will not go unpunished.” The message, spoken just two days after the deadliest attack on civilians in Indian-administered Kashmir in over two decades, was not just for domestic consumption or for Pakistan, which New Delhi blames for the attack; it was a signal to the world that India was preparing a forceful military response.

Kashmir is now once again one of the world’s riskiest flash points. It is not yet clear which group was responsible for the April 22 attack, which killed 26 tourists in Pahalgam, a scenic hill station in Kashmir, but the atrocity has brought India to a sadly familiar juncture. Previous episodes of terrorist violence in Kashmir have led India to strike its neighbor Pakistan, which Indian officials insist is the source of the militancy that still plagues the disputed territory. Modi’s rhetoric this month echoes the speeches he made in 2019 before Indian jets struck Pakistan after a suicide car bomb in Kashmir killed 40 Indian paramilitary soldiers. That year, Pakistan hit back, downing an Indian fighter jet and capturing its pilot, and the two nuclear-armed countries neared the precipice of a widening conflict.

LEO Wars: China’s Orbital Challenge To The US-Led Digital Order – Analysis

Shannon Vaughn

China’s growing dominance in space-based infrastructure is not just a commercial development—it is a calculated geopolitical move. With the full deployment of the BeiDou Navigation Satellite System (北斗卫星导航系统), Beijing has created a viable alternative to the US Global Positioning System (GPS), and now it is aggressively expanding its reach into satellite internet services. On February 11, 2025, China launched a new batch of satellites for its planned 15,000+ satellite LEO constellation, aiming to provide global internet services and positioning, navigation, and timing data worldwide, challenging Western dominance in space-based communications.

However, this is far more than just an alternative to Western-backed services like Starlink and Viasat. China’s LEO satellite internet presents a threefold risk:
  • It enables China to replace US military GPS reliance worldwide, weakening US strategic advantages.
  • It provides a censorship-controlled internet model that authoritarian regimes can adopt, extending Beijing’s influence over global information flows.
  • It allows China to dictate international technology standards through bodies like the International Telecommunication Union (ITU), creating long-term dependencies on Chinese space infrastructure.

Why China Is Confident It Can Wait out Trump’s Trade War

Dingding Chen and Yingfan Chen

On April 22, during a press conference at the White House, U.S. President Donald Trump acknowledged that the 145 percent tariff rate his government has imposed on China was indeed very high, but assured reporters that the tariffs would be significantly reduced, though not eliminated entirely. In response, Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said that the current high tariffs between the two sides effectively amounted to a trade embargo.

Recently, Trump has met with several top business executives at the White House, many of whom have warned that the reciprocal tariffs are damaging the U.S. economy and could potentially derail it entirely.

Under the tariff pressure from Trump, China might be the only country to adopt a tough stance. Not only has it continuously raised tariffs on U.S. goods, but it has also implemented a range of restrictive measures, such as placing export controls on seven rare earth elements and even returning Boeing aircraft. This assertive and well-organized response can be attributed to China’s experience during the trade war of Trump’s first term. In the face of pressure from Trump’s “reciprocal” tariffs, China has remained methodical and composed, while other economies have been thrown into anxiety and rushed to negotiate.

China’s ability to remain calm in the face of Trump’s tariff pressures is primarily due to three key perspectives held by Chinese leaders regarding relations among major powers.


The hidden danger in Trump’s trade war

Joshua Keating

When it comes to the escalating trade war with China, the most obvious historical analogy for the US launching an all-out economic assault on a rising military power in East Asia is not an encouraging one.

Starting in 1940, the US, alarmed by Imperial Japan’s invasion of China and burgeoning alliance with Nazi Germany, began passing a series of increasingly severe restrictions on exports of the raw materials needed by the Japanese military. These eventually culminated in a complete freeze on Japanese funds and assets held in the US and an embargo on oil exports. The hope was that this would force Japan, overwhelmingly dependent on energy imports, to curb its military ambitions.

Instead, believing war with the United States to be inevitable, the Japanese launched a preemptive strike on the American fleet at Pearl Harbor.

We’re not quite there yet, but it’s worth keeping in mind that the trade war between the world’s two most powerful countries is taking place within the context of growing military tension. Just as President Donald Trump was first announcing his tariffs at the beginning of April, the Chinese military was wrapping up its latest live-fire drills around Taiwan. Though demonstrations like these have become relatively common as tensions have grown in the Taiwan Strait, the latest drills were significantly larger and, some analysts believe, revealed significant details about the tactics China is likely to use to take the island.

New world order: Art of the Deal vs Art of War

Tang Meng Kit

The US-China trade war has evolved into a structural confrontation. It is not just about tariffs or technology; it is about two different philosophies of power and time. On one side is a strategy of transactional urgency. On the other, one of systemic patience. This is the contest between Trump’s “Art of the Deal” and China’s “Art of War.”

Donald Trump’s “Art of the Deal” strategy thrives on disruption, unpredictability and short-term leverage. In April 2025, Trump announced new tariffs – 10% across the board on all imports, so-called “reciprocal” tariffs of varying levels on nations with trade surpluses with the US and up to 145% on Chinese goods.

This strategy aims for immediate political and economic wins. As Trump once said, “You have to be unpredictable. That’s how you win.”

China’s “Art of War,” drawn from Sun Tzu’s ancient teachings, values patience, positioning and indirect strength. Beijing’s response is deliberate. Tariffs match US actions, but China also accelerates long-term projects: Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) trade integration, Belt and Road Initiative refinements and an expansion of the digital yuan to challenge dollar dominance.

Sun Tzu reminds us, “The supreme art of war is to subdue the enemy without fighting.”

‘Don’t come here’: Warning from the frontlines to Chinese nationals thinking of fighting for Russia

Yong Xiong, Todd Symons & Eric Cheung

A Chinese man fighting for the Russian Army claims his superiors locked him in a dark steel-barred pit, with barely enough room to stand, for 21 days. His offense, he said, was a dispute with his commander over lifesaving protective gear.

Michael, not his real name, said he joined Russia’s fight against Ukraine to “have a taste for military life abroad” but after a brutal year on the frontlines is now convinced enlisting in Vladimir Putin’s army was “a mistake.”

His experience in the pit, where the 29-year-old said he could barely lift his head, killed his desire to fight for Moscow and he wants to send a message home to other Chinese nationals contemplating joining Russia’s fight.

“I have to speak out some truths and warn those irrational Chinese – don’t come over here,” he said.

Speaking to CNN by phone, Michael said he was currently recovering from injuries sustained on the battlefield.

“The world’s number two military is a sheer joke,” Michael said, listing subpar equipment, inadequate logistics, mistreatment and “severe corruption” as issues within the military, complaints that have been widely documented since the war began.

Why Iran Won’t Come to a Deal Quickly

Lawrence J. Haas

As President Trump explores a nuclear deal with Iran, he would be wise to recognize that Tehran probably comes to the negotiating table less because it fears Washington than because it smells opportunity.

That is, the talks could pave the way for Tehran to free itself from the threat of “snap-back” global sanctions this fall while strengthening the regime at home at a time of rising public discontent.

With those dynamics in mind, U.S. negotiators should set a firm deadline of no more than a few weeks to strike a deal that truly serves U.S. interests—lest they let Iranian negotiators drag out the talks, enabling Tehran to advance its nuclear program further while freeing itself from the threat of economic retaliation.

Let’s consider the likely view from Tehran after three rounds of talks that, not surprisingly, left major issues unresolved.

The president, publicly and in a letter to Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, has threatened to use force against Iran’s nuclear sites in the absence of a deal. Still, Tehran has good reason to be skeptical.

For starters, Trump is the fourth president over the last quarter-century who threatened force while opting for conciliation, enabling Tehran to advance its nuclear and related ballistic missile programs. The mullahs might reasonably assume that Washington has no appetite for force, no matter which party is in power.

Small Uncrewed Aircraft Systems (SUAS) in Divisional Brigades

Jan Osburg, Timothy Parker, Hunter Stoll, Scott Boston & Terrence K. Kelly

Small Uncrewed Aircraft Systems in Divisional Brigades: Electronic Warfare and Spectrum Management Considerations

Uncrewed aircraft systems (UAS) are changing how wars are fought. Over the course of the past decade, advancements in autonomous control, battery technology, sensors, and other relevant technologies have led to a rapid increase in the capabilities—and a reduction in the cost—of UAS (Wilson et al., 2020; Pernin et al., 2021). This has been particularly pronounced for small UAS (SUAS), defined as those with a maximum take-off gross weight of under 55 lbs / 25 kg (U.S. Code, Title 14, Part 107), and this trend is expected to continue (Herrera, Dechant, and Green, 2017). The increase in capabilities has resulted in a corresponding increase of more than an order of magnitude in the number of civilian SUAS in operation over the past several years (Pilot Institute, 2021), with use cases now ranging from “drone racing” to cinematography to crop-dusting to purely recreational flying.1 In turn, market demand has further accelerated the increase in capabilities and decrease in cost, particularly for SUAS designed for the civilian market.

Until recently, military use of SUAS was rare. It took the fight against the “Islamic State in Iraq and Syria” (ISIS) terrorist group in Syria, the Nagorno-Karabakh war in 2020, and finally the Russian attack on Ukraine in 2022 to conclusively demonstrate the opportunities—and threats—posed by these new capabilities (Red Six, 2019; CA INT REGT, 2021; Reed and Rife, 2022; Bellini, 2022). Now the Department of Defense (DoD) is launching a major effort to leverage related technologies (Newdick and Rogoway, 2023).

Can Trump Broker Peace in Ukraine: Prospects and Challenges?

Christopher Zambakari

The United States claims its objective in Ukraine is clear: ensuring Ukraine’s sovereignty and delivering Russia a decisive “strategic failure.” Yet, the reality on the ground paints a more complex picture—a grueling conflict, staggering costs, and the risk of nuclear war. Can the West’s ambitious goals, from erasing Russia’s territorial gains to regime change in Moscow, align with Ukraine’s desperate fight for survival and Russia’s unyielding security demands? The stakes couldn’t be higher, and the path to resolution remains elusive. With each passing day, the human and economic costs of the conflict continue to mount, underscoring the urgent need for a diplomatic breakthrough. The question looms: can U.S. policy bridge the chasm between principle and pragmatic peace? Can Donald Trump break rank with his predecessor and broker a peace agreement that endures?

The Ukraine-Russia conflict has deep historical roots. After the Soviet Union’s collapse in 1991, Ukraine declared independence. However, tensions persisted as Ukraine sought closer ties with Western Europe while maintaining deep cultural and economic ties with Russia. In 2014, these divisions erupted into conflict when protests over then-President Viktor Yanukovych’s pro-Russian policies led to his ousting. Russia responded by annexing Crimea and a civil war broke out in eastern Ukraine’s Donetsk and Luhansk regions.

In 2022, the conflict escalated dramatically when Russia launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Ukraine, with Western support, fiercely resisted, reclaiming territories but suffering immense devastation. Russia demands Ukraine’s neutrality, the recognition of Crimea as Russian territory, and autonomy for separatist regions. Conversely, Ukraine insists on the restoration of its territorial integrity, reparations, and security guarantees.

Europe Needs Its Own AI Infrastructure

DIANE COYLE

The succession of global shocks over the past two decades – including the 2008 global financial crisis, the COVID-19 pandemic, Russia’s invasions of Ukraine, and rising inflation – has fueled a resurgence of industrial policy across Europe. But the added shock of Donald Trump’s return to the White House has underscored the urgency of bolstering domestic economic resilience and integrating national and regional security priorities into economic policymaking.

For the European Union and the United Kingdom – which are now facing an openly hostile US administration – the digital economy must become a central focus. Former European Central Bank President Mario Draghi’s report on EU competitiveness and the UK’s AI Opportunities Action Plan both highlight digital and AI technologies as potential engines of future innovation and growth.

The challenge, however, lies in reducing Europe’s heavy reliance on major US tech firms. Whereas President Joe Biden’s administration took a confrontational approach toward Big Tech, the Trump administration has signaled that any future trade agreement will hinge on the EU scaling back its push for new digital regulations and taxes.

For Europe, business as usual is no longer an option. Policymakers must develop a coherent and strategic alternative to reliance on American technology. If this sounds like a quixotic endeavor, consider the creation of Airbus, which started as Europe’s answer to Boeing. An “Airbus for AI” – a publicly funded, commercially operated alternative to US-based platforms – is both feasible and necessary.

Spain rules out cyber attack - but what could have caused power cut?

Georgina Rannard

The Spanish grid operator has ruled out a cyber attack as the cause of a massive power cut that crippled Spain, Portugal and parts of France on Monday.

Red Eléctrica's operations director Eduardo Prieto said preliminary findings suggest "there was no kind of interference in the control systems" to imply an attack, echoing Portuguese Prime Minister Luís Montenegro the day before.

But the exact reason behind the cut is still unclear.

The grid operator said on Tuesday they "cannot draw conclusions" until they get concrete data. Spain's Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez said investigators were trying to pinpoint the cause, and then would take all necessary measures "to ensure that this does not happen again."

Information is trickling out about what happened at the time of the cut, leading to theories about what could have caused it. Experts told the BBC it was likely caused by several failures.

Here is what we know and what questions remain unanswered.

Russia’s Demographic Problems Set Stage for Future Political Challenges

Paul Goble

Russia’s population has declined for the last seven years as the fertility rate, the number of women of reproductive age, and the immigration rate continue to decrease. According to Russian demographer Aleksey Raksha, Russian women gave birth to fewer than 294,000 babies during the first three months of 2025, the lowest quarterly figure for Russia in 225 years (The Moscow Times, April 11; Tochka, April 25). The current decrease in the fertility rate means that the average age of Russians will decline, resulting in higher mortality rates and an aging, generally smaller population in the coming decades (Yesli Byt’ Tochnym, December 22, 2023; see EDM, August 18, 2022, February 6, 2024; URA.ru, April 24).

The seriousness of this combination is only now becoming clear. National fertility rates have fallen to 1.4 children per woman and, in some major cities, 1.0 children per woman. This is far below the estimated fertility rate needed (2.2) to counterbalance the population (see EDM, October 22, 2024; Window on Eurasia, February 2). Low birth rates now mean fewer women will be of childbearing age in the 2040s, and even fewer babies will be born in that decade. Demographers predict that there may be a slight uptick in babies born in the 2030s since there was a birth rate increase between 2007 and 2015 (URA.ru, April 24). Still, a potential increase in the 2030s is unlikely to make a substantive dent in the overall demographic crisis. The Kremlin may consider a limited birth rate increase in the 2030s as enough progress not to warrant substantial policy changes, which would worsen the demographic trend (URA.ru, April 24).

Russian demographic decline can be traced to World War II, which wiped out a generation and led to falling birth rates approximately every 25 years as each successive and smaller generation gave birth to fewer children. Small intermittent periods of growth since World War II have created a false sense of improvement and resulted in inadequate government response (see EDM, September 13, 2016; Window on Eurasia, April 21, 2024).

Integrating Commercial Space Services into the DoD Architecture

Yool Kim, George Nacouzi, Dwight Phillips, Krista Romita Grocholski, Igor M. Brin, Brian Dolan, Jonathan Fujiwara, John Hoehn, Kotryna Jukneviciute & Gwen Mazzotta

The U.S. Department of Defense (DoD) relies on a wide variety of space capabilities, such as satellite communications (SATCOM) and remote sensing, to carry out its missions. Although DoD has traditionally developed and operated its own satellite systems, its use of commercial space services has increased as the industry has expanded, and it is expected that DoD use of these services will continue to grow. Despite the benefits of these commercial services, DoD must consider the potential vulnerabilities from the use of these services.

The space environment is becoming increasingly contested, congested, and competitive with adversaries aiming to deny, degrade, or destroy critical space capabilities on which DoD relies. In recognition that commercial space systems have an increasingly important role in supporting military missions, there are growing concerns about commercial space systems being targeted by U.S. adversaries.

Congressional interest in this topic led to a requirement, specified in the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2022 (specifically in Public Law 117-81, Section 1607, as passed in 2021), for a study that assesses “(1) the extent of commercial support of, and integration into, the space operations of the armed forces; and (2) measures to ensure that such operations, particularly operations that are mission critical, continue to be carried out in the most effective manner possible during a time of conflict.”


How the U.S. Public and AI Experts View Artificial Intelligence

Colleen McClain, Brian Kennedy, Jeffrey Gottfried, Monica Anderson and Giancarlo Pasquini

With artificial intelligence no longer the stuff of science fiction, its benefits and risks are being debated by everyone from casual observers to scholars. A new Pew Research Center report examines the views of two key groups: the American public and experts in the field of AI.

These surveys reveal both deep divides and common ground on AI. AI experts are far more positive than the public about AI’s potential, including on jobs. Yet both groups want more personal control of AI and worry about lax government oversight.

Still, opinions among experts vary, with men more optimistic about AI than women.

Here are the key findings from surveys of U.S. adults and AI experts conducted in 2024, and in-depth interviews with experts.


Nuclear Deterrence vs Nuclear Warfighting: Is There a Difference and Does it Matter?

Admiral Charles Richard, USN (Ret.), Hon. Franklin C. Miller & Robert Peters

Introduction

Nuclear weapons are having a “moment.”

Russia is threatening nuclear strikes on the West for its support to Ukraine.[1] China is the fastest growing nuclear power on the planet.[2] North Korea continues to expand and advance its nuclear and missile programs. And there is active discussion about the nature of—and what to do about—Iran’s nuclear weapon program.[3] Meanwhile, the United States, facing major industrial base issues, is modernizing its strategic deterrent at what seems to many to be a glacial pace.[4]

All of this may seem of a piece; that all the nuclear powers or nuclear aspirants are updating their arsenals. However, there are significant differences between what the United States is doing and what its potential enemies are doing. Specifically, while the United States is focused on modernizing an arsenal that is designed to deter strategic attack, America’s adversaries are quietly fielding and expanding nuclear arsenals that are not only designed to deter a strategic attack on their homelands but also are optimized for nuclear warfighting in military theaters of operation. Conversely, this is an area the United States has neglected since the Cold War ended decades ago.


Russia Is Preparing For More

Phillips P. OBrien

The first post from The Europe Dispatch by Minna Alander.

Hello Everyone,

Since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine more than three years ago, I have been closely following the changes it forced on Europe in terms of how Europeans think about the security and defence arrangements on the continent. Still in Berlin in February 2022, I moved back to Finland in the summer of 2022. It was a historic moment to return to Finland and a unique experience to be working at the Finnish Institute of International Affairs (FIIA) in the middle of Finland’s NATO accession process. The workload was quite something due to the high demand for expertise on Finland internationally (as it happened, very few people knew anything about Finland) and domestically on NATO. It’s hard to describe just how intense the mood in Finland was, especially in spring 2022, when many thought that Russian tanks might just as well roll over the Finnish border next.

Yours, Minna

Russia Is Preparing For More: Developments Along the Northeastern Front

Three years of full-scale war in Ukraine have significantly depleted Russia’s military presence along its border with NATO. But now Russia is building new infrastructure in areas close to Norway, Finland, and Estonia.

Playing for Time

Lawrence Freedman

On 27 April US Secretary of State Marco Rubio observed that the Trump administration would soon decide whether to continue to try to negotiate an end to the Russo-Ukraine War or give up and move on to other matters:

‘We have to make a determination about whether this is an endeavor that we want to continue to be involved in or if it’s time to sort of focus on some other issues that are equally if not more important in some cases.’

He wanted the effort to succeed:

‘There are reasons to be optimistic, but there are reasons to be realistic of course as well. We’re close, but we’re not close enough.’

This followed up a similar warning he had made ten days’ earlier when he warned that a determination would have to be made soon as to whether this was ‘doable’.

That previous announcement had sparked a flurry of activity, including a typical Putin gesture of a unilaterally announced Easter truce, which he dared Ukraine to respect. At most this led to a slight and very temporary reduction in military activity. Of greater significance were conversations between Trump’s preferred envoy (on almost anything) Steve Witkoff and Putin, as well as some meetings in Europe, although a big one expected to involve both Rubio and Zelenskyy was postponed.

The Pentagon must balance speed with safety as it modernizes software

Georgianna Shea

The Department of Defense is at grave risk of being caught flat-footed by the next software vulnerability. When an adversary discovers it, the Pentagon may not know which systems are exposed until substantial damage has been done. This blind spot is dangerous. The Pentagon needs to balance expediting its software acquisition process with a better system for gauging prospective vulnerabilities and mitigating harm in the event of an attack.

DOD understands the need for software modernization and is taking steps to improve both its development and procurement methods. A recent directive designates the Software Acquisition Pathway (SWP) as the primary process for creating both weapons and business systems. This necessary evolution marks a shift from lengthy, hardware-focused timelines to a faster and more flexible software-centric model. SWP streamlines development and emphasizes speed by allowing programs to share and repurpose software test results.

While speed is important, this new approach also magnifies potential vulnerabilities: If a flaw goes undetected in one project or only comes to light after initial testing, there may be no subsequent security tests to identify it. This creates a critical visibility problem.

Navigating skills and talent development for quantum technology

Salil Gunashekar & Teodora Chis

Introduction

In recent years, the capabilities of quantum technologies have advanced significantly, underscoring their potential applications across diverse fields, including the life sciences, finance, aerospace, defence, energy and telecommunications. While many quantum technologies seem poised for breakthroughs over the next few years, several bottlenecks persist. These challenges include technical issues such as scalability and error correction, lack of standardisation, complexities associated with advancements in hardware, algorithms and software for quantum systems, and cybersecurity risks. Crucially, broader ecosystem barriers must be addressed to fully realise the benefits of quantum technologies. These encompass longer-term issues such as funding and investment challenges, governance uncertainty, interdisciplinary collaboration, supply chain development, international
competition and skills and talent development (Gunashekar et al. 2022).

On 10 October 2024, RAND Europe and the Novo Nordisk Foundation co-hosted an in-person roundtable discussion in Copenhagen to explore key aspects of the quantum technology ecosystem, given the rapid global advancements in cutting-edge research and innovation in the field. This was the second in a series of events aimed at bringing together thought leaders, researchers, industry experts and policymakers who are committed to shaping the future of quantum technologies.2 The inaugural roundtable had taken place in London in November 2023, where discussions centred on ideas for promoting innovation while ensuring a safe and equitable future enabled by quantum technologies. The focus of this roundtable was on two critical issues that are likely to shape the direction of this rapidly progressing field: development of skills and talent, and the strengthening of supply chains (see Box 1 for an overview of the broad topics discussed at the roundtable and Box 2 for definitions of key terms).

From “total war” to “total defence”: tracing the origins of civilian involvement in armed conflict

Ruben Stewart 

The notion that only uniformed soldiers are involved in war is a relatively modern and increasingly outmoded idea. In reality, civilians have long played crucial roles in conflict, whether by choice or coercion. Today’s concept of “total defence,” in which large portions of societies are mobilized to prepare for and respond to crises or conflict, has deep historical roots. Long before the 20th century’s industrialized “total wars” or today’s digital battlefields, civilians had an active role and were affected in widespread and unprecedented ways during the Napoleonic era.

The Napoleonic Wars (1803–1815) represent one of the first large-scale conflicts in which the line between soldier and civilian, battlefield and home front, was redrawn at scale. As historian David A. Bell argues, the Napoleonic Wars marked the emergence of “the first total war” in the modern sense, with mass conscription, guerrilla resistance and the militarization of civilian infrastructure, information and economies. This period offers an early and important case study in how civilian harm can arise from “total war” and “total defence”.[1]

“Total war” signalled a profound shift from war as a contest between rulers and armies to war as a struggle between peoples, economies, and ideologies. Today’s “total defence” approach with its “whole of society” framing echoes many of these dynamics, and an examination of the Napoleonic Wars offers specific and pertinent lessons about what happens when civilians, civilian objects and civilian functions are mobilized and militarized.[2]