Rudy L. Novak
This paper critically examines the concept of "integrated deterrence," introduced in the Biden Administration’s 2022 National Security Strategy, which aimed to align all elements of national power to deter peer adversaries, such as China and Russia. Although theoretically sound, the strategy suffered from ambiguous interpretation and inconsistent interagency execution. The paper argues that the Trump Administration has an opportunity to revitalize this concept through a more structured and operationalized approach— “Integrated Deterrence 2.0.” This enhanced model calls for clear leadership, whole-of-government coordination, and strategic resource reallocation, while strengthening alliances and improving strategic communication. The analysis outlines how the U.S. can transition from military-first deterrence to a truly integrated framework involving diplomatic, informational, economic, and military tools aligned with the Trump Administration's priorities. By institutionalizing these changes, the U.S. can more effectively deter adversaries and navigate the evolving challenges of great power competition.
The Biden Administration introduced the concept of “integrated deterrence” in its 2022 National Security Strategy, describing it as a way to align all elements of national power against revisionist competitors. The goal was to combine American capabilities to “sustain and strengthen deterrence” against China, Russia, and other malign actors. Yet the idea never gained traction; it became more of a slogan than a strategy. The Trump Administration faces a clear choice: let integrated deterrence fade or transform it into a framework that shapes adversary behavior. Integrated Deterrence 2.0 provides that framework, offering a path forward aligned with this administration’s strategic objectives.
The bipartisan, congressionally mandated 2024 Commission on the National Defense Strategy asserted that the “Department of Defense (DoD) cannot, and should not, provide for the national defense by itself.” Instead, it argued for a “whole-of-government approach” that coordinates “all elements of national power” to satisfy the current demands of American security. Unfortunately, even after introducing integrated deterrence in 2022, the Biden Administration never fully realized its potential or provided a clear path for implementation. This led to competing interpretations and fragmented action. Two years later, it was rarely used by senior officials. The Trump Administration, specifically the acting National Security Advisor, Marco Rubio, the National Security Council’s Principals Committee, and Congress, now have an opportunity to define and implement a stronger version of this strategy, one that meets the urgent needs of great power competition.
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