Michael Jacobson
A senior fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, and Matthew Levitt, the director of the counterterrorism and intelligence program at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy.Billboards show Hezbollah leader Naim Qassem (center) and his slain predecessor, Hassan Nasrallah, during a ceremony marking the first anniversary of Nasrallah's death, in Deir Qanoun al-Nahr, Lebanon, on Sept. 27.Billboards show Hezbollah leader Naim Qassem (center) and his slain predecessor, Hassan Nasrallah, during a ceremony marking the first anniversary of Nasrallah's death, in Deir Qanoun al-Nahr, Lebanon,
After being battered by Israel, Hezbollah is working to replenish its badly damaged capabilities. Morgan Ortagus, the U.S. special envoy to the Middle East, was in Beirut last month to press Lebanese President Joseph Aoun to disarm the Iran-backed group—but she found out, if she hadn’t suspected already, that it is easier said than done.
Iran remains Hezbollah’s primary patron, as underscored by the U.S. Treasury Department's announcement today that it is sanctioning operatives funneling Iranian money to the group. Beyond direct funding from Iran, however, the group also has its own extensive and independent global procurement and financial networks. If the past is precedent, then Hezbollah will rely heavily on those international networks to bounce back from its recent setbacks. To succeed in freeing Lebanon from Hezbollah’s iron grip, the United States and the international community must not only support the Lebanese government’s internal disarmament efforts but also thwart Hezbollah from operating freely abroad.
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