12 September 2026

How al-Qaeda Ended

Foreign Affairs | Audrey Kurth Cronin

Al-Qaeda, the transnational terrorist organization founded by Osama bin Laden that killed 2,977 people during the September 11 attacks, has officially ended as a viable operational entity. Although global jihadist sentiments and localized terrorism persist, the specific group responsible for the 2001 strikes on the United States no longer survives.

Declaring its demise is now a strategic necessity for Washington. Continued official insistence on the group's active status only serves to artificially burnish its legacy and inflate its perceived threat. This rhetorical shift is particularly critical as escalating tensions, including a potential U.S.-Israeli conflict with Iran, threaten to ignite fresh waves of regional anti-American violence. The original threat is gone. Consequently, Western counterterrorism frameworks must rapidly evolve past legacy targets to address contemporary state-backed and decentralized threats, ensuring that intelligence resources align with actual modern adversaries rather than historical ghosts.

Comment

The reluctance of the United States to formally declare the demise of al-Qaeda reveals a deep-seated institutional inertia within the post-9/11 security architecture. Maintaining the group as an active threat category allows bureaucratic structures to preserve funding lines and operational mandates established under the Homeland Security Act of 2002. This doctrinal stagnation prevents a clean pivot toward peer adversaries like China, as Pentagon intelligence resources remain bound to monitoring defunct Salafi-jihadist networks.

Specifically, the legal and operational mechanisms of the 2001 Authorization for Use of Military Force rely on the continued existence of al-Qaeda to justify global counterterrorism deployments. Without a formal declaration of the group's dissolution, the Pentagon continues to utilise these legacy authorities for unilateral strikes in theatres like Yemen and Somalia. Consequently, the persistence of this outdated threat definition serves as the primary legal enabler for USCENTCOM's ongoing low-intensity drone strikes in the Arabian Peninsula.

Strategic Question for Discussion
If the 2001 Authorization for Use of Military Force remains legally tied to a defunct al-Qaeda, how can USCENTCOM transition its operational focus to peer deterrence without creating a security vacuum in legacy theatres?
The current pattern suggests that USCENTCOM will increasingly rely on bilateral security agreements and modified regional partnerships to maintain counterterrorism pressure while formally winding down legacy operations. My assessment is that this transition will force a legislative restructuring of the 2001 Authorization for Use of Military Force to prevent executive overreach in undeclared theatres. Ultimately, this shift will allow the Pentagon to reallocate critical intelligence assets toward Indo-Pacific deterrence without fully abandoning regional surveillance.
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