Nikita Kwatra

The Maritime Silk Road, the sea-based component of the Belt and Road Initiative seeking to establish better coastal connectivity between China and the rest of the world Graphic: Paras Jain/Mint

U.S. President Donald Trump’s first round of Iran-related sanctions has come into force this week, with no waiver for India in sight as yet. The U.S. Congress has passed legislation granting India a waiver from its new Russia-centred sanctions, but the waiver is conditional and contingent upon a periodic, six-monthly presidential certification. The Indian media highlighted the passing of the waiver legislation but not the conditions it incorporated.
Like the devil quoting scripture, China has said that it hopes that India and Pakistan can jointly stay committed to regional peace and development. Many would wonder as to whether China has the credentials to make such statement and observation, since China itsef has disputes with several neighboring countries like India, Philippines, Japan, and Vietnam. There is widespread apprehension among China’s neighbors that China has expansionist ambitions, which is clearly evident from the fact that China forcefully occupied Tibet and is now controlling this nation for over sixty years. No one can forget the fact that Chinese government mercilessly used force and carried out aggression in Tibet, making the Dalai Lama flee Tibet along with several Tibetans. Now, thousands of Tibetans are living as refugees and migrants in different countries in the world, longing for a day when Tibet would become a free country once again and they can go back to their motherland.
Despite its lack of cohesiveness and geopolitical heft, the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations likes to be in the driver’s seat even on initiatives that extend beyond its region. But having placed itself at the wheel, Asean usually needs instructions from back-seat drivers on how to proceed and where to go. One such example is the Asean Regional Forum, which provides a setting for annual ministerial discussions on peace and security issues across the Asia-Pacific. Established in 1994, it draws together 27 member-states, including key players such as the United States, China, India, Japan, Russia, Australia and the two Koreas.
It was a prime candidate for overhaul. China Unicom's former chairman, Chang Xiaobing, was found guilty of taking bribes and sentenced in May to six years in prison. And by some important financial measures, China Unicom's performance has been catatonic. Its return on equity -- a key indicator of overall efficiency as well as a yardstick of how much net profit a company returns to shareholders -- has been below 1% in recent years, compared to a global industry average of about 19.5%, according to an analysis of QUICK-FactSet data on 47 telecom operators.
Until this week, U.S. Defense Department leaders had publicly described their technology race against China and Russia mostly as a bullet list of research priorities. Now a top research-and-engineering official has added detail about efforts to surmount key technical and physical challenges. At a Wednesday event put on by the National Defense Industry Association, Mary Miller, the assistant defense secretary for research and engineering, discussed directed-energy weapons, AI, quantum science, next-generation communications, and more.
At the time when the Uzbek authorities held an international conference on Afghanistan on March 26-27, 2018, and the Uzbek Foreign Minister Abdulaziz Kamilov hosted the Afghan Taliban delegation led by the Movement’s political chief Sher Mohammad Abbas Stanikzai on August 6-10, 2018, Taliban-backed Uzbek Salafi-jihadi groups continued their military operations against the Afghan government forces. Uzbekistan’s President Shavkat Mirziyoyev’s diplomatic efforts to establish a direct dialogue between the Afghan government and the Taliban have not yet produced the desired result. Moreover, these two important events in Tashkent city could not diminish the terrorist activity of jihadist groups from the Ferghana Valley, which are under the dual patronage of al Qaeda and the Taliban.
A U.S. push to include agricultural products in its trade negotiations with the European Union would lead to frictions between Germany and France that would reduce the chances of a deal. France will persist with its plans to reform the European Union, but countries in Northern Europe will present a common front to tone down or postpone many of Paris' proposals. Italy's expansive economic reforms will raise questions about its commitment to keeping a balanced budget, which could generate volatility in the financial markets. Politicians will replace technocrats and take control of the Brexit process, creating room for compromises between the European Union and the United Kingdom. But this could come at the price of incomplete deals that postpone solving problems.
President Donald Trump has just signed a new bill to expand federal powers of the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS) to investigate and block Chinese and other foreign investments on national-security grounds. Earlier this month he signed the National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) for 2019, which singles out Russia and China as America’s long-term competitors and includes a number of provisions on espionage and military containment. These, along with the latest round of State Department’s sanctions on Russia for poisonings in the UK, are all part of recent American efforts to come to grips with growing foreign interference in western democracies.
Predictions of the end of history were premature, and the triumph of liberal democratic ideals seem indefinitely postponed. Instead, after a short post-Cold War interregnum, global affairs have returned to their historical norm, as great powers compete for influence and seek to impose their will on the global order. So little has changed, in fact, that one of last year’s most influential books—Graham Allison’s Destined for War—reaches back 2,500 years to view the growing competition between China and the United States through a Thucydidean prism. Such a viewpoint has much to commend it, but it is, unfortunately, a narrow historical aperture through which to try and comprehend the many complexities of an enduring competition between rival powers. As America’s new National Security Strategy and National Defense Strategy spell out, inter-state strategic competition, not terrorism, is now the primary concern in U.S. National Security. As such, policymakers must demand a better and more encompassing historical analysis than Allison provides.
New technologies have brought about new opportunities and threats to military strategy. Historically, the United States has been able to outpace its adversaries by providing elegant and expensive solutions to address the most severe threats while allowing the capabilities to maintain an advantage in likely employment scenarios. In the past 20 years, the United States has moved from highly specialized weapon systems to multi-mission weapon systems to reduce the number of assets required to perform similar tasks and to reduce manning requirements. As new technologies have emerged, however, U.S. adversaries have used high numbers of low-cost solutions—such as improvised explosive devices—that require inordinate resources to defeat. There are three advancements in technology that, when combined, are game changers for U.S. military effectiveness.
Henry Kissinger was recently asked if Donald Trump could not unintentionally become the force behind the birth of a new western order. His answer: It would be ironic but not impossible. Instead of narrowing our view across the Atlantic to the ever-changing whims of the American President, we should adopt the idea that this could be the start of something new. We can’t not hear what’s going on across the Atlantic every day via Twitter. But a tunnel view into the Oval Office distracts from the fact that America is more than Trump. “Checks and balances” work, as US courts and Congress demonstrate almost daily. The Americans are debating politics with new passion. That too is America in 2018.
The U.S. Army is designing its future fighting force around sophisticated unmanned systems designed to work with the service's manned combat vehicles and aircraft. But the service's vice chief of staff warned today of the dangers of depending too much on drone technology. For nearly a year, the Army has been deeply focused on its new modernization strategy, an effort that promises to produce next generation combat vehicles and future vertical lift aircraft that will team with unmanned systems. The concept is designed to give commanders the option of sending unmanned systems into harm's way before taking unnecessary risks with soldiers' lives. "We are looking very carefully on the ground and in the air on how we continue to progress with the manned-unmanned teaming," Gen. James McConville said at the National Defense Industrial Association's 2018 Army Science & Technology Symposium and Showcase in Washington, D.C. He added that the concept would give combat units a distinct advantage when operating in places like Sadr City, a densely-populated suburb of Baghdad that U.S. forces struggled to secure during the war in Iraq.