2 December 2020

Why I’m Losing Hope in India

By Andy Mukherjee

My generation of Indians has often been disappointed in our country, and we have sometimes despaired about the direction it was taking, but it’s been impossible for us to stop hoping.

Our own past has trained us to see the silver lining.

Opportunities we couldn’t imagine growing up in the 1970s and ’80s emerged from nowhere and changed our lives, and many of us believe history will keep repeating, with the pain of the pandemic shocking the economy out of its pre-Covid inertia.

So it breaks my heart to have to suggest to today’s rising generation that this crisis is different than others we have weathered, that the walls are closing in again, and the opportunity set for India is shrinking, perhaps for a very long time. The national dream of emulating China’s rapid growth is receding — by some economic yardsticks, we can’t even keep up with Bangladesh.

How spotting Pakistani army jet in Jordan has sparked buzz about change in its Israel policy


New Delhi: Days after reports of landmark talks between Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, diplomatic circles are rife with speculation that Pakistan could become the latest country to recalibrate its policy towards the Jewish state.

Pakistan does not recognise Israel as a country but last week, Prime Minister Imran Khan claimed in a TV interview that he is being pressured to change that.

Adding to the speculation is a hush-hush visit of a Pakistan Army business jet, operated by its intelligence agency ISI, to Amman in Jordan Sunday, when the reported talks between Saudi Arabia and Israel were on in the Red Sea city of Neom in Saudi Arabia. 

The reports of talks have, however, been rejected by Saudi Arabia even as both Israel and the US are keeping mum. The reports came during US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo’s visit to Saudi Arabia. 


The China Coast Guard (CCG) and Royal Malaysian Navy (RMN) are involved in another standoff over hydrocarbon exploration in the South China Sea. China Coast Guard ship 5402 harassed a drilling rig and its supply ships operating just 44 nautical miles from Malaysia’s Sarawak State on November 19. Malaysia deployed a naval vessel in response, which continues to tail the 5402. The incident seems to have followed two weeks of increasing tensions between the CCG and RMN in the area. An analysis of AIS data from Marine Traffic and satellite imagery from Planet Labs reveals this high-stakes game of chicken that would otherwise have remained under the radar.

CCG 5402 left Hainan on October 30 for what has become a standard Chinese patrol route. It stopped at China’s artificial island bases on Subi and Fiery Cross Reefs before taking up station at Luconia Shoals in Malaysia’s exclusive economic zone on November 2. CCG ships have maintained a nearly constant presence there in recent years, facilitated by the nearby logistics hubs in the Spratlys. On November 10, the 5402 patrolled the oil and gas blocks west of Luconia Shoals, passing by the Sapura Constructor, an offshore construction ship operating in the area. The RMN’s Bunga Mas Lima, a naval auxiliary ship that had left Sabah a day earlier, arrived at Luconia Shoals hours later and shadowed the 5402 for at least a few days. Its AIS broadcasts were spotty during this period, but a satellite image from November 13 shows the ships just 3 nautical miles apart.

Why the Quad Should Focus on a Strategy to Contain China

by James Holmes

China grumps that the Quad, a league of like-minded Indo-Pacific democracies, is an “Asian NATO” or “mini-NATO” hellbent on “containing” China.

If only. 

Now, Beijing is not entirely wrong to liken the Quad to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Quad governments—representing India, Australia, Japan, and the United States—sometimes do things reminiscent of the Atlantic alliance. For instance, the four Quad navies just finished up with this year’s Malabar exercise in the Arabian Sea, showing they can work together and push back as China tries to make itself a serious if not dominant player in the Indian Ocean region. NATO navies commonly maneuver together, casting a counterweight to Russian ambitions in the Atlantic Ocean and adjacent seas. 

But one of these things is not like the other. In reality, the Quad is a loose consortium, not a standing alliance anchored by a collective defense treaty. The arrangement bears more resemblance to the pre-World War I “entente cordiale” than to NATO. In April 1904 the French and British governments signed a series of agreements settling long-standing colonial quarrels. Setting aside centuries of on-again-off-again enmity, the two democracies drew together against the common danger manifest in autocratic Germany.

RCEP trade deal: a geopolitical win for China

Robert Ward

The Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership agreement (RCEP), which was signed virtually in Hanoi after eight years of negotiations on 15 November, is a landmark deal. Once ratified by its 15 members, it will form the world’s largest trade bloc. Even without India, which declined to join out of concern for the deal’s negative impact on its weak industrial base, RCEP will cover 30% of global trade, represent a similar percentage of global output and include 2.3 billion people. It is also China’s first multilateral trade deal and the first trade agreement between China, Japan and South Korea. 

Against a background of a fracturing of the international order and rising trade protectionism, the successful conclusion of a plurilateral deal stands out. There is much to welcome in the deal, not least the trimming of red tape across the bloc – for example, the harmonising of rules of origin to qualify for lower tariffs will reduce business transaction costs and ease supply-chain management across the region. Reduced bureaucracy will also benefit the region’s smaller companies. But the economic impact of the deal on the region is likely to be incremental rather than game changing. 

Is China Seeking A Secretive, Permanent Presence in America’s Computers?

by Michael G. McLaughlin William J. Holstein

In the technology battles between the United States and China, the sensational hacks of American information technology systems revealed by the Department of Justice and the controversies over Huawei’s 5G wireless communications technology and TikTok’s video app dominate the headlines. 

But the Chinese government of President Xi Jinping appears to be quietly setting the stage for a more pervasive, ongoing penetration of America’s networks, creating a national security problem that chief executive officers can no longer ignore or minimize. As part of its Digital Silk Road strategy, China is actively pursuing several vectors to achieve outright dominance of the world’s computer systems, including America’s. 

The most concerning vector for companies operating in China appears to be a series of new Chinese laws that began taking effect in 2015 covering national security, national intelligence, and cybersecurity. Collectively, they have set the legal groundwork for the Chinese Communist Party to access all network activity that occurs in China or in communications that cross its borders. The culmination of this legal maneuvering appears to be the updated Multi-Level Protection System (MLPS 2.0), which came into effect in December 2019 and is gradually being rolled out.

As China’s power waxes, the West’s study of it is waning

America’s president-elect, Joe Biden, says China is his country’s “biggest competitor”. Yet China’s centrality in the calculations of foreign-policy experts in Washington and throughout the West is hardly matched by the interest shown in academia. Despite China’s efforts to promote interest in the language—and a surge of attention to it in Western schools a few years ago—enthusiasm for China studies at university level remains lacklustre. Fear of China, and restrictions imposed by it, are in part to blame.

In Britain the number of people studying China at university has dipped each year since 2017. Last year it fell by 90 to 1,434, according to the Universities’ China Committee in London, which promotes China studies in Britain. In Australia a survey last year of 16 academics involved in China studies suggested a similar trend. One of the scholars said the number of Australians studying Chinese or China-related topics at university had “obviously decreased” in the past five years. Another lamented a “gradual hollowing out” of China expertise in Australia.

How to cope with China’s ‘Wolf Warrior’ Diplomats?

Roland Jacquard

Many of them are rewarded with important positions in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Beijing, clearly indicating that their contribution to ‘fearlessly champion’ China’s cause abroad has the support of the top leadership.

A classic example of a ‘wolf warrior’ is Lijian Zhao, who till August 2019 was China’s Deputy Chief of Mission in its embassy in Islamabad. While in Pakistan, Zhao initially started using Twitter to effectively publicize the benefits of the China Pakistan Economic Corridor, the flagship project under Xi Jinping’s Belt and Road Initiative.

Initially tweeting as ‘Muhammad’ Lijian Zhao, probably to attract the attention and gain support of Pakistani social media users, Zhao suddenly dropped ‘Muhammad’ from his name in April 2017, days after the China government issued an order banning several Islamic names, a move directed at Uyghur Muslims in Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. The Chinese diplomat, during his stay in Pakistan, used Twitter to openly criticize India and the US, while lauding the depth of Pakistan-China friendship, forcefully defending China’s positions on various issues and eulogizing the CCP.

Brazen Killings Expose Iran’s Vulnerabilities as It Struggles to Respond

By David D. Kirkpatrick, Ronen Bergman and Farnaz Fassihi

The raid alone was brazen enough. A team of Israeli commandos with high-powered torches blasted their way into a vault of a heavily guarded warehouse deep in Iran and made off before dawn with 5,000 pages of top secret papers on the country’s nuclear program.

Then in a television broadcast a few weeks later, in April 2018, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel cited the contents of the pilfered documents to hint coyly at equally bold operations still to come. “Remember that name,” he said, singling out the scientist Mohsen Fakhrizadeh as the captain of Iran’s covert attempts to assemble a nuclear weapon.

Now Mr. Fakhrizadeh has become the latest casualty in a campaign of audacious covert attacks seemingly designed to torment Iranian leaders with reminders of their weakness. The operations are confronting Tehran with an agonizing choice between embracing the demands of hard-liners for swift retaliation or attempting to make a fresh start with the less implacably hostile administration of President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr.

Debt Will Determine How America Engages With The Rest Of The World

Mike O'Sullivan

When he ran for president in 2004 John Kerry was mocked by opponents for his ability to speak French, with ‘Monsieur Kerry”, “Jean Chéri”, or “Jean-François Kerry” amongst the favourite catcalls of Republicans. Imagine the fun they will have with the new Biden administration – not only Kerry speaks French, but Anthony Blinken was educated in France and Michele Flournoy is a Francophile too.

French saved America

Mike Pompeo has conjured up images of highly educated, high minded members of the Biden cabinet jaunting around European capitals debating the finer points of diplomacy with Europeans, while Marco Rubio – who has found his voice given Donald Trump is on the way out of the White House – paints the Biden team as elegantly presiding over American decline. It’s an interesting image of Biden’s team – effete, be-wigged and decked in frock coats, conversing in French. But then, so did Beaumarchais and Lafayette and they saved America.

Can Janet Yellen Rebuild the U.S. Economy?

by Desmond Lachman

One of Hercules’ more difficult tasks was that of cleaning the Augean stables. The bad news for Janet Yellen is that fixing the U.S. economy will be no easier for her than cleaning the stables was for Hercules. The good news for us is that Joe Biden has had the wisdom to nominate as his Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen, who is probably the most qualified and experienced person available to do the job.

If confirmed as Treasury Secretary, Janet Yellen will face a myriad of economic challenges both on the domestic and the international front. Her task will be made no easier by the great likelihood that the Senate will still be controlled by the Republicans, who are likely to resist another round of bold fiscal stimulus. Her task will also not be made easy by the fact that she will face strong pressures from the Democratic Party’s progressive wing to follow economic policies that could prove to be economically very damaging to the country.

Russia’s ‘Pivot to Asia’ Encounters New Difficulties

By: Sergey Sukhankin

During his first trip to the Russian Far East as prime minister, Mikhail Mishustin berated the inadequate level of infrastructure of the local seaport in Magadan (on the Sea of Okhotsk), which, he noted, hindered the surrounding region’s economic development and international outreach (Korabel.ru, August 17). In pointing out these limitation, Mishustin tacitly acknowledged that Russia’s policy aimed at strengthening its trade ties with other Asia-Pacific countries was experiencing visible difficulties. Nicknamed the “Pivot to Asia,” this policy’s foundations were laid down by former Russian prime minister (1998–1999) Yevgeny Primakov at the end of the 1990s, before being informally announced by Vladimir Putin in early 2012 (Mn.ru, February 27, 2012). President Putin reiterated the Pivot to Asia in his 2013 address to the Federation Council (upper chamber of parliament) (Interfax, December 12, 2013). Broadly speaking, the policy argues for changing Russia’s civilizational paradigm (from European to Eurasian) and shifting economic ties eastward (from the European Union to the Asia-Pacific) by making Siberia and the Far East “Russia’s national priority for the 21st century.” Now, almost six years later, it appears that despite a few tangible and rhetorical successes (Rossiyskaya Gazeta, September 12, 2019), the strategy is floundering due to important systemic and structural obstacles.

Russian Military Aggression or ‘Civil War’ in Ukraine?

Taras Kuzio

There has always been Russian invasion, annexation, and military and other forms of aggression in what Oscar Jonsson and Robert Seely (2015) describe as ‘full spectrum conflict.’ There has never been a ‘civil war’ in Ukraine. Misplaced use of the term ‘civil war’ to describe the Russian-Ukrainian War is correlated with three factors. First, denial or downplaying of Russian military and other forms of involvement against Ukraine. Second, claims that Russian speakers are oppressed and threatened by Ukrainianisation with an additional claim that eastern Ukraine has a ‘shared civilization’ with Russia (Cohen 2019, 17). Third, highly exaggerated claims of regional divisions in Ukraine that point to the country as an ‘artificial’ construct.

This chapter is divided into four sections. The first section discusses terminology on civil wars and provides evidence from Ukrainian opinion polls that Ukrainians see what is taking place as a war with Russia, not a ‘civil war.’ The second section analyses how the Russian-Ukrainian War should be understood as taking place between Ukrainians, who hold a civic identity and patriotic attachment to Ukraine, and a small number of Ukrainians in regions such as the Donbas and their external Russian backers, whose primary allegiance is to the Russian World and the former USSR.

Moldova’s Election Result Is a Blow to Russia’s Regional Dominance

By Nicolae Reutoi

President Vladimir Putin’s attempts to keep Russia’s immediate neighbors close are unraveling, with the citizens of Moldova joining those of Kyrgyzstan and Belarus in signaling in recent days and months that they have lost patience with discredited Moscow-backed leaders.

The aftermath of elections in all three countries indicates that Putin’s policy of backing allied regimes in Russia’s historical sphere of influence is failing. Emerging democratic forces in slow-to-reform former communist states are pushing back against the Russian leader’s favored political system of managed democracy—a system comprising democratic elements (parliaments, multiple parties, and elections) that mask de facto autocracy, with the same authoritarian leaders and their parties elected to office time after time, through ballot and media manipulation.

Putin’s diminishing ability to influence events on Russia’s fringe was further underlined by the recent resumption of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, during which he was reluctant to support close ally Armenia against Azerbaijan—only managing to secure a cease-fire under which the former was forced to make territorial concessions. Putin was wary not only of confronting Azerbaijan’s backer Turkey but also of buttressing Armenian Premier Nikol Pashinyan whose grassroots Velvet Revolution saw off the pro-Moscow Republican Party.

When Great-Power Politics Isn’t Great Enough

By Hans Gutbrod

Armenia and Azerbaijan have, for the time being, agreed to a tenuous cease-fire after six weeks of fighting over the disputed enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh. But it’s unlikely to be a long-term fix. While Baku is jubilant over its territorial gains, many Armenians reacted to the news with outrage, storming parliament and other government buildings to demand answers about a deal they feel amounts to betrayal. A peace settlement that satisfies both sides does not yet seem in sight.

Now, more than ever, a lasting peace settlement is of paramount importance. That’s largely because great powers’ involvement in Nagorno-Karabakh has raised the stakes of resolution: Russia and Turkey may have both helped broker the existing cease-fire, but it is uncertain whether their interests in Nagorno-Karabakh—and beyond—will continue to align. An unfinished peace in Nagorno-Karabakh arguably makes the current situation more, not less, dangerous; having been dragged into the hostilities, Russia and Turkey may sooner or later be pushed to face off against one another.

The pandemic has caused the world’s economies to diverge

In february the coronavirus pandemic struck the world economy with the biggest shock since the second world war. Lockdowns and a slump in consumer spending led to a labour-market implosion in which the equivalent of nearly 500m full-time jobs disappeared almost overnight. World trade shuddered as factories shut down and countries closed their borders. An even deeper economic catastrophe was avoided thanks only to unprecedented interventions in financial markets by central banks, government aid to workers and failing firms, and the expansion of budget deficits to near-wartime levels.

The crash was synchronised. As a recovery takes place, however, huge gaps between the performance of countries are opening up—which could yet recast the world’s economic order. By the end of next year, according to forecasts by the oecd, America’s economy will be the same size as it was in 2019 but China’s will be 10% larger. Europe will still languish beneath its pre-pandemic level of output and could do so for several years—a fate it may share with Japan, which is suffering a demographic squeeze. It is not just the biggest economic blocs that are growing at different speeds. In the second quarter of this year, according to ubs, a bank, the distribution of growth rates across 50 economies was at its widest for at least 40 years.

Digital warfare will erode the distinction between the state and civil society


Asked to picture a battle tank, most people will probably think of a Russian T-72. First produced in 1971, the T-72 is still the mainstay of armies in the former Soviet Union, although it has been upgraded over the years, with superior armour, more active sensors and reliable engines.

In six weeks of the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War, which took place between September and November this year, an estimated 185 of Armenia’s T-72 tanks were destroyed by drone and artillery strikes.

Drones, made in Turkey and Israel, enabled the Azerbaijani armed forces to not only destroy Armenian tank units, but also a significant portion of its artillery, anti-aircraft missiles and supply equipment. The Armenian army’s morale collapsed, and the subsequent peace deal brokered by Russia included Armenia surrendering land conquered by Azerbaijan during the conflict.

The key to stopping Alzheimer's, according to Bill Gates

Bill Gates

Alzheimer's research has yielded little change in recent decades.

Microsoft founder and philanthropist, Bill Gates puts this down to a lack of data-sharing in the field.

Data is hard to share due to patient confidentiality and the fact that pharmaceutical companies don't want their competitors to benefit from their research.

Gates explains why his Alzheimer’s Disease Data Initiative, or ADDI, is trying to change that.

My family loves to do jigsaw puzzles. It’s one of our favorite activities to do together, especially when we’re on vacation. There is something so satisfying about everyone working as a team to put down piece after piece until finally the whole thing is done.

Opinion – The Politics of Antarctica

Elçin Doruk and Siret Hürsoy

From the early 1900s to the 1950s, seven states claimed sovereignty over Antarctica: Argentina, Australia, Chile, France, New Zealand, Norway and the United Kingdom. While these claims remain in existence today, the claims of Argentina, Chile and the United Kingdom in the region known as the Antarctic Peninsula overlap. It is necessary to consider the legal validity of claims of sovereignty in general. Although there is no physical occupation on the continent, states who claim sovereignty try to legitimize their demands through administrative and legal activities. At this point, the Antarctic Treaty forms the basis of the Antarctic cooperation between states and the legal order built for the global management of the Antarctic continent.

It should be emphasized at this point that determining the subject area for any agreement is a political process. In other words, this process is shaped according to the perception of the relevant actors. In this context, the Treaty prepared under the conditions of the Cold War, in 1959 primarily aimed at the disputes regarding the sovereignty claims, disarmament of the continent, and the support and development of scientific research.

German Marshall Fund of the United States

Unlocking Digital Governance

Investing in the Future with a National Bank for Green Tech

Leveraging Open Data with a National Open Computing Strategy

Building Civic Infrastructure for the 21st Century

Mitigating Supply Chain Risk: Component Security is Not Enough

Addressing the Harmful Effects of Predictive Analytics Technologies

Advancing Digital Trust with Privacy Rules and Accountability

Prioritizing Workforce Mobility in the Age of Digital Transformation

Launching a Cyber Risk Grand Challenge

Strengthening the Global Internet with a Digital Trade Agreement

Establishing a Tech Strategist Cohort Across the Federal Government

Upgrading Digital Financial Infrastructure for Fairness

Reforming the Patent System to Support Innovation

Averting a Crisis of Confidence in Artificial Intelligence

Protecting Democracy and Public Health from Online Disinformation

Space Cybersecurity in the Age of Defending Forward

By Rachael Hanna, Natassia Velez

On Sept. 4, the Trump administration released a policy directive detailing the United States’s cybersecurity principles for “space systems.” Emphasizing the importance of space systems for communication, science, economic prosperity, and national security, the directive highlights the importance of integrating cybersecurity throughout the development and life cycle of space systems. Specifically, the directive calls for agencies to “foster practices within Government space operations and across the commercial space industry that protect space assets and their supporting infrastructure” and defend against cyber threats. 

As a policy document, the directive does not create any new legal rights or obligations in the context of cybersecurity practices in space. But the directive’s language, in combination with the U.S. cybersecurity policy often referred to as “defending forward,” raises important questions concerning the United States’s existing legal obligations in space under international law. More specifically, the directive’s centering of cybersecurity in space creates tension with the international obligation to use space to advance international peace and security for the benefit of all countries. The assertive posture of defending forward may conflict with international space law in the policy’s current iteration.

The Meaning of US Drone Warfare in the War on Terror

Nico Edwards

The changing nature of contemporary modes of warfare is a well-rehearsed topic. The legal-political complexities and ethical pitfalls accompanying the ever-growing phenomenon of ‘remote control’ combat, are many and conjure necessary questions about morality, law, and war. What narratives of human worth, or the protagonists and belligerents of international politics, are manifested through today’s celebration of remote control war? What can these changes, and stories, tell us about the underlying rationales governing global security impulses and practices in the 21st century? This essay explores the manifestation of a logic of ‘disposability’ in contemporary security practices, focusing on the securitisation, policing, and killing of designated bodies and spaces in the name of protecting ‘humanity’. To understand what is meant by a politics of disposability, I draw on both the Foucauldian concept of biopower as the late modern kernel of (neo)liberal governmentality and Mbembe’s (2003) discussion on necropolitics as the inescapable other side of biopolitics. Within the processes of locating the threat, and providing security, in relation to the Global War on Terror (GWOT), the logics of ‘making live’ and ‘letting die’ are mutually constitutive and surface as epistemology, ontology, and methodology respectively. As such, they are equally visible in the discourses justifying the use of force in the GWOT, as in the specific practices they generate.

Opinion/Middendorf: Artificial intelligence and the future of warfare

By J. William Middendorf

J. William Middendorf, who lives in Little Compton, served as Secretary of the Navy during the Ford administration. His recent book is "The Great Nightfall: How We Win the New Cold War."

Thirteen days passed in October 1962 while President John F. Kennedy and his advisers perched at the edge of the nuclear abyss, pondering their response to the discovery of Russian missiles in Cuba. Today, a president may not have 13 minutes. Indeed, a president may not be involved at all. 

“Artificial intelligence is the future, not only for Russia, but for all humankind. It comes with colossal opportunities but also threats that are difficult to predict. Whoever becomes the leader in this sphere will become the ruler of the world.” 

This statement from Vladimir Putin, Russian president, comes at a time when artificial intelligence is already coming to the battlefield and some would say it is already here. Weapons systems driven by artificial intelligence algorithms will soon be making potentially deadly decisions on the battlefield. This transition is not theoretical. The immense capability of large numbers of autonomous systems represent a revolution in warfare that no country can ignore. 

Can the Military’s Layered Defenses Protect It From a Cyber Attack?

by Kris Osborn

U.S. weapons systems can no longer rely purely upon cybersecurity methods to stop hackers from taking over control systems, jamming information flow, derailing precision guidance systems or simply stealing sensitive data. The answer to the massive increase in sophistication and efficacy of enemy cyber-attacks is multi-faceted, with a large portion of it involving efforts to move toward new methods of ensuring cyber resiliency. What this means is the military must find ways to fight off or diffuse an attack once an intruder has gained access. 

The cyber challenges are inspiring industry to increasingly do their own internal research and development aimed at uncovering innovations of potential relevance to the war on cyberattacks. 

One emerging technology is Raytheon’s Countervail, somewhat of an off-the-shelf technology focused on preserving data reliability and operating system functional integrity. 

China Thinks Its Hypersonic Missiles Can Beat U.S. Missile Defenses

by Kris Osborn

AChinese newspaper is criticizing the recent successful intercept of a mock nuclear missile, in this case, a simulated ICBM, by a U.S. Navy destroyer using an SM-3 IIA missile. The Beijing-backed paper alleged that the ship-launched missile defense capability would not prove effective in a “real-war” scenario or have any chance of stopping a maneuvering hypersonic missile. 

The claim in the paper, which quoted a Chinese defense analyst, was not supported by any technical data, operational context or evidence-based information. Rather the article argued that the United States “only used a mock missile and was done under an optimal scenario in which the defending side knows where and when the missile would come from.” 

Essentially, the Chinese-government backed Global Times newspaper says the U.S. demo did not approximate a “real-battle” scenario and went on to claim that both Russia and China have mobile launchers. The thrust of the argument advanced in the story was simply that Russia and China are now developing more “advanced missiles, including hypersonic ones.” 

Building a Red Teamer’s Library

By Michael Rogan

We have all heard the saying: “All readers are leaders.” Well, if you want to be a Red Teamer or think like a Red Teamer, then you must be a reader. Red Teamers generally read from a broad range of academic disciplines. This article posits that anyone can improve their knowledge to make better decisions by reading and reflecting on the wisdom available in books relevant to Red Teaming.

Red Teaming is both a mindset and a skillset that helps individuals and organizations make better decisions. Red Teaming is the artful application of structured analytical tools and techniques that can provide commanders an independent capability to fully explore alternative plans, operations, and concepts in the context of the operational environment and from the perspectives of partners, adversaries, and others. 

As Colin Gray states in Another Bloody Century, the study of war is ultimately about “context, context, context.” Thus, the Red Teamer must research and study the anticipated and actual operational environment. During this preparation, humility is critical. Hubris is the Red Teamer’s nemesis. Another essential quality for the Red Teamer is to not mirror image or take an ethnocentric perspective towards another culture. Strategic empathy is cognitive; it is not sympathy.