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| Violence marked the third anniversary of the Tahrir revolution, a symptom of the uncertainty in Egypt, writes Pinak Ranjan Chakravarty | ||
    
        
 
The last 
three years have seen Egypt undergoing wrenching political upheavals 
that have left the country deeply polarized. Egyptians opposed to the 
Muslim Brotherhood are clamouring for the defence minister and army 
chief, General Abdel-Fattah el-Sisi, to run for president. He was the 
Egyptian strongman behind the overthrow of the Morsi-led Islamist 
government in June 2013. Crippled by months of continuous crackdowns 
against its members, the Muslim Brotherhood supporters have been killed 
in their hundreds. The crackdown has included arrests and the seizure of
 assets of pro-Brotherhood businesspersons. A rising tide of anger 
against the Brotherhood has aroused the Egyptian public and secular 
Egyptians, the latter group being critical of both the military and the 
Islamists. The secularists are currently caught between the resurgent 
military and the Islamists in retreat mode. The referendum on the new 
constitution held on January 14 and 15 had a low turnout of about 38 per
 cent, marginally more than the turnout in the referendum on the first 
constitution drafted under the Islamist government of Morsi. The 
Islamists had called for a boycott of this referendum. 
Egypt, the 
most populous nation in West Asia, is caught in a hinge moment in its 
long and remarkable history. Egypt has never been a democracy in all its
 6000 years. The so-called Arab Spring that began in Tunisia, sweeping 
away dictatorships in Tunisia, Libya and Egypt, seems to be turning a 
full circle, particularly in Egypt. The Egyptian military has been 
emboldened by public support, whereas the Islamists are aggrieved 
because their elected president has been overthrown and imprisoned. The 
Islamist government led by Morsi made many mistakes. Governance was 
marked by arrogance, incompetence, ignoring and ridiculing critics and 
failing to deal with the basic needs of an aroused citizenry. The 
propensity by both sides to resort to street action, strong-arm tactics 
to reverse adverse electoral decisions and the deep state’s partisan 
urge to intervene in politics, led to Morsi’s overthrow and a repeat of 
what happened in the first uprising against Mubarak. 
                                          
                
              
                              
While Egypt 
grapples with its internal contradictions and polarized politics, 
important international and regional players have staked out positions 
either for or against the interim government or the Islamists. The 
United States of America had hedged its bets earlier by refusing to call
 Morsi’s ouster a coup. Egypt is the second largest recipient of 1.5 
billion dollars in annual US aid, ever since the Camp David Accords were
 signed in 1979, ushering in peace between Egypt and Israel. If the US 
called Morsi’s ouster a coup, then it would trigger a statutory cut-off 
in US military and civilian aid. The recent moves by the Egyptian 
military have led to President Barack Obama issuing a statement 
condemning the interim government. But the US has hedged by slowing down
 delivery of military aid and cancelling military exercises. 
Humanitarian aid continues uninterrupted. The US position has angered 
both the Egyptian military and the Islamists and the former has shown 
signs of reaching out to Russia. Turkey and Qatar have strongly 
supported the Morsi government but Saudi Arabia and the United Arab 
Emirates have poured in billions in aid to the military-backed interim 
government, signalling their distaste for the Islamists. Turkey has been
 the most vocal in condemning the ouster of the Morsi government and has
 even called for United Nations intervention. Ironically, all these 
countries are on the same side, backing the rebels in the Syrian civil 
war. 
                                          
                
              
                              
With the 
interim government promoting General el-Sisi as Field Marshall and the 
Supreme Military Council, clearing the General to stand for the 
presidential election, Egypt may end up being ruled by another military 
strongman. Egypt is heading for a quasi-democratic transition. What is 
undeniable is that Egypt needs stability and without it the West Asian 
region will remain in turmoil. In this complex interplay of internal 
politics, international and regional interests, India has maintained a 
position that essentially stems from the fact that India can do little 
to influence events in Egypt. Leveraging its cordial relations with 
Egypt, India had hosted President Morsi for a State visit and has 
regarded subsequent developments as Egypt’s internal matter, signalling 
thereby that it is willing to do business with the government of the 
day. 
         
The 
author is former secretary,  ministry of external affairs, and former 
ambassador and high  commissioner to Thailand and Bangladesh 
respectively 
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