8 November 2022

Want a Better PC? Try Building Your Own Assembling a computer yourself is a good way to learn how they work.


MANY OF US use computers every day, but never really get into the guts of how they work. Sometimes, it’s nice to make something with your own hands that you'll use every day. That’s what this guide is about: how to build a PC from scratch.

It can be daunting for a lot of reasons—it’s expensive, it’s complex, it can get messy. But I want to be clear: If you can build an Ikea table, bookshelf, bed, or anything that comes in more than one of those deceivingly heavy flat packs, you can build a PC. The tricky part? I can't tell you how to build your PC. Not really. Not unless I know exactly which hardware you're using. I can, however, explain what each component does and what my recommendations are for each category.

Once you’ve built your shiny new PC, it might be time to check out some other stuff to further accessorize your new partner in crime. Be sure to have a look at our guides for the best gaming keyboards, best gaming mice, best gaming headsets, and best gaming controllers.

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For several years now, we've been in the midst of a PC hardware shortage. First, cryptocurrency miners bought up all the GPUs to farm crypto, then we got hit by a worldwide silicon shortage exacerbated by the pandemic. Now an event called the Merge has brought GPU prices back down. What that means for you, the prospective PC builder, is that it's now easier than it has been in the past few years to buy all the parts you need to put together a good work or gaming PC. That is very welcome news.

Third-Party Markup

When you're shopping for components, make sure you're buying from a reputable vendor. You may think you're buying from a large online store like Amazon, Walmart, or Newegg, but they allow third-party sellers to list products as well. There's usually a little notice that will tell you as much, right underneath the buy button.

If it's shipped and sold from someone who isn't Amazon, Walmart, or Newegg, you're probably going to pay more for the component than its retail price. For instance, our top motherboard pick retails for $130, but as of this writing its listed on Newegg for $205. It's shipped and sold from a third-party retailer, hence the markup. First-party sales (when the product is shipped and sold by the store whose site you're visiting) tend to have better prices that hew closer to the actual manufacturer suggested retail price (MSRP) of the item.

We've tried to stick to first-party sales, but sometimes components are just not available through anyone but a third party. In that case, my advice is don't spend more than 50 percent over the MSRP on any of these components. Give yourself a hard budget and please don't pay double or triple what any of these components are worth.

We've added buying advice to each category most affected by the shortage to speak more specifically to each component's scarcity (or abundance now that prices are falling), but in general just know that building a gaming PC, even as prices come down, might be a little more expensive than you expect. If you can, be patient. Grab components when they're cheap, hold on to 'em and keep an eye out for a good price on what you need next. All of my most cost-effective PC builds have been slow and steady ones.

What Do You Need?

In order to get a list of components together, no matter what your experience level is, you should use PCPartPicker. Not only does it have everything you need to buy, it also lets you build your PC piece by piece right on the website and makes sure all your hardware will play nicely together. It even has a few example builds you can tweak to your liking. Additionally, I recommend keeping a list of what you want, what you have, and what your budget is. I do this in Notes on my phone, with the title of each build right up at the top. It comes in handy to keep track of things.

Regardless of what kind of PC you’re building (home office or gaming), the components you need are going to be the same. For the purposes of this guide you're going to see a lot of abbreviations but let this section act as your glossary.

First off, you’ll need a motherboard, a central processing unit (CPU), a solid state drive (SSD) or hard disk drive (HDD) for storage, memory (RAM), a power supply (PSU), a case, and a monitor. The only thing you might not need if you're mostly using this PC for home-office tasks is a graphics card (or GPU), but it's necessary for photo or video editing and gaming. That’s a lot of stuff! Here's a little breakdown of what each component does, along with some hardware recommendations.

Motherboard

Every other component plugs into this circuit board. It’s the highway they use to communicate and collaborate. They come in different sizes and configurations, and each one looks a little different, but they all fill the same function. Make sure you know which processor you want before you buy a motherboard.

Motherboards come in a couple of flavors, but the most important thing to know is what kind of socket it has. There are basically two: LGA and AM. You'll always see them listed with a number after them, like “LGA1150” or “AM3.” The exact numbers after the LGA and AM portions of these socket names will change over time, to indicate which generation of Intel or AMD chips they support, but the current standards as of 2022 (which will work with the latest chips from either maker) are LGA1700 for Intel and AM4 for AMD.

Motherboards also come in a couple of sizes, the most common being ATX (or “full size”). That’s what I generally recommend, especially if this is your first build. Your PC case will list which size motherboard it supports, so make sure they match up. I've made that mistake before and it's always a pain to realize your motherboard is too big for your snazzy little case.

Buying advice: Okay, let's be real: What separates a fancy motherboard from a cheap motherboard? The truth is, not much. A more expensive motherboard like the MSI MPG Z590 is going to mean you get more ports, more slots for internal components like storage drives, and more slots for RAM or support for more RAM. Nicer boards also typically have more lights on them, too which is of vital importance for a gaming PC.

The question though, is whether or not you need those extra ports. When it comes to storage drives, two M.2 slots is plenty, more than that is kind of a luxury. With regard to RAM, 16 GB is what I'd say is the minimum for a gaming PC. Moving up to 32 GB is essential for video editing, and it's really nice to have for gaming but it's not a requirement by any means.

This list has motherboards of all price points on it, but there are way more out there than we can ever test and cover for you so if you see one that you like, write down its specs and compare it to others on the market to find a good fit for your budget and your vibe. We try to keep this list updated regularly with prices that aren't too much higher than MSRP, but if any of the prices here skyrockets between updates, shop around.

Suggested HardwareASUS ROG Strix B450-F (AM4 Socket): For a rig designed for 1080p gaming, start here.

Asus ROG Strix B550-F (AM4 Socket): This motherboard has a few extra ports (including Thunderbolt 3) you'll appreciate if you're building a mid to high end gaming PC on an AMD processor.

MSI MPG Z490 (LGA 1200 Socket): This one is great for 10th and 11th-generation Intel processors and mid-tier machines.

ASUS ROG Strix (LGA 1700 Socket): This is a high-performance motherboard for gaming machines. If you're picking up a 12th or 13th-generation Intel processor, this is our recommendation.

Processor (CPU)

This is the brain of your computer. It sockets directly into the motherboard, and it’s the single most important component of your PC. That doesn’t mean it has to be the most expensive (we’ll get to that later), or that it's the most important for gaming performance. Like your brain, everything your PC does goes through here. Your legs are important for running, but it's your brain that tells them to move.

Buying advice: You're going to see the highest markups on your CPU and GPU. But these prices will move around quite a bit, so keep checking back if you can't afford the component you want at the moment. If the CPU doesn't mention including thermal paste, get some. Don't eat it. I know it looks tasty, but it's not actually food.

Suggested HardwareIntel Core i5-12600K 6-Core 3.7 GHz (LGA 1700 Socket): Intel's 12th-generation i5 offerings are a great choice for everyday workloads and won't get bogged down by your games, as long as you have the GPU horsepower to pull most of that weight.

Intel Core i7-12700K 8-Core 3.6 GHz (LGA 1700 Socket): An Intel i7 will see you through most heavy workday tasks and 4K gaming.

Intel Core i9-13900K 8-Core 5.8 GHz (LGA 1700 Socket): Intel's high-end gaming option, the 13th-gen Core i9, is an incredibly versatile performer. This thing pushes games to their absolute limit and shreds content creation workloads. It is very pricey as it just hit store shelves and it's one of the highest-end processors on the market, but it's an absolute beast.

AMD Ryzen 5 7600X 6-Core 5.3 GHz (AM5 Socket): The Ryzen 5 7600X is an excellent choice for a gaming or video editing PC. It's not as quick or nimble as AMD's top-end offerings but honestly it keeps pace with the more expensive processors surprisingly well.

AMD Ryzen 9 7950X 16-core 5.7 GHz (AM5 Socket): AMD's 16-core behemoth is a killer CPU for high-end 4K or 144-Hz gaming, but it has some special requirements. It gets so hot there's no way you should put it into a PC without a liquid cooler like Asus ROG Ryujin II Liquid Cooler.

Graphics Card (GPU)

If you’ll be playing games on this PC, you’ll need a graphics processing unit (also called a graphics card). This is a specialized processor that’s designed and optimized for handling visual data like the graphics in games. It's also used in video and photo editing and other graphics-intensive tasks.

Your CPU is the best of the best when it comes to processing information sequentially—one message after another—it does this lightning-fast, millions of times per second, but that's still not quick enough to run a graphically demanding game at a high frame-rate.

For that you need a special kind of processor, one that's not designed for sequential processing, but for parallel processing. Your GPU can process thousands, millions, of things at the same time–think about all the things your GPU is rendering any time you play a game. Every rock, every tree, every gun, every player, every enemy, and on and on. She's got to think about all those things all at once and weave them into a coherent three-dimensional environment for you to explore and enjoy.

Buying advice: Even though they're more available than they have been in years, graphics cards are among the most in-demand PC components, and their prices still swing a bit higher than MSRP in some cases. That's why the picks on this list are generally mid- to high-end. In my opinion, it's better to put the bulk of your budget toward a graphics card. The higher you go now, the longer it's going to last—like buying a $100 pair of shoes that lasts you years, instead of a $20 pair of shoes that fall apart every couple months. Cheap graphics cards are penny-wise but dollar foolish for gaming PCs. For a regular old home office PC, any cheap card from the past couple years will do you just fine.

Suggested Nvidia GeForce Hardware

Nvidia has recently released its latest generation of graphics cards, the GeForce RTX 40-series, but there aren't any on this list. As of this writing, they still have some kinks to work out (not the good kind), they're extremely expensive, and the 30-series is just a better value for performance that's almost as good and sometimes better than the latest, most expensive cards. MSI GeForce RTX 2060: If you're looking to get into medium-end gaming, this card strikes a good balance between power and price. Also a great pick for an office computer that will do some video editing or some light gaming.

Asus ROG Strix RTX 3060: Nvidia’s 30-series graphics cards are often out of stock due to the global chip shortage, but if you can find one for a reasonable price, the RTX 3060 is a killer 1080p and 1440p gaming graphics card.

Zotac GeForce RTX 3080: Honestly, this is still one of the top performing graphics cards on the market right now, even if you're running games at 4K with ray-tracing on. Add on to that the fact that it's under $1,000, and it's a very appealing card. For an Nvidia build, you can't do much better.

Suggested AMD Radeon Hardware

A note for anyone looking to buy a Radeon card right now: Don't! The newest generation of Radeon graphics cards, the 7000-series, is likely to be announced in early November. Even if you're not interested in a top-end, bleeding-edge card, the imminent release of the new generation will drive current (6000-series) graphics cards down further, so you'll save a little extra if you wait. Radeon RX 6600: The RX 6600 is a really solid pick for 1080p gaming on an AMD chip.
Radeon RX 6800 XT: If you're going all-out, the RX 6800 XT is my top choice right now. It's a beast of a GPU that can handle anything you throw at it, even Cyberpunk 2077 at full 4K resolution.

Storage

This is your PC’s walk-in closet. This is where you store all your files, your games, your movies, your documents, your photos, your everything. You can always add more storage later.

Suggested HardwareSamsung 980 Pro M.2 SSD: Samsung's M.2 drives are always a good choice. They're quick, durable, and itty-bitty (about the size of a stick of gum), so they can pair with just about any other internal SSD you'd like. Most motherboards have an M.2 slot either on the front of the board or around back, and you don't even have to mess with any cables. This one clocks in at around 6,980 MB/s read speed, and 4,876 MB/s write speed.

Samsung 970 Evo M.2 SSD: The Evo line is cheaper though a bit slower, but it's still an excellent buy for any build. This M.2 drive tops out at around 3,500 MB/s read speed and 3,300 MB/s write speed. Slower than others on this list but still pretty quick—quick enough for gaming for sure. If you're on a budget, go with the Evo.

Corsair MP600 M.2 SSD: Corsair's MP600 drive comes with a built-in heat sink to keep temperatures down while it transfers your data at blazing speeds. It features a 4,950 MB/s read speed and 4,250 MB/s write speed.

WD Blue 1-TB Internal SSD: It's reasonably quick, with plenty of storage space but this Western Digital model is better for a secondary storage drive—not the one you run games or your operating system off of.

Memory (RAM)

You’ll see a lot of the same terms when you’re looking at memory and storage, but they’re very different. Memory is more like that one table you toss things on to deal with later. It’s scratch paper; it’s short-term. It’s very important, though, because software uses memory to cache (temporarily store) data in a place where it can be retrieved quickly.

Suggested HardwareCorsair Vengeance LPX 16-GB 288-Pin RAM: High-end gaming rigs always go for 32 or 64 GB of RAM, but a good old pair of 8-GB sticks will see you through most 1080p games and everyday tasks.

G.Skill Ripjaws V Series 32-GB 288-Pin RAM: With this much RAM, you should be pretty well set for everyday tasks and gaming.

Corsair Dominator Platinum 64-GB 288-Pin RAM: If you need extra heft for content creation or high-end gaming, consider stepping up to 64 GB of RAM.

Power Supply (PSU)

Your power supply unit is a little box that keeps the electricity running to every component. It determines how quick and powerful your PC can be. The faster it is, the more power it needs, and you always want to have a little more than you need, just in case. Just like GPUs, PSUs are also in and out of stock right now.
Suggested HardwareEVGA SuperNOVA 750 GA Power Supply: You should always err on the side of having more power than you need, and this unit will provide exactly that.

NZXT E850 850-Watt Power Supply: This 850-watt power supply should provide enough horsepower to run even the most high-end and demanding builds.

EVGA SuperNOVA 1,000-Watt Power Supply: For PCs with multiple graphics cards or a whole lot of storage, EVGA's 1,000-watt PSU is a good pick.

Case & Cooler

Your case is just what it sounds like. It’s a metal box. It might be covered in glass panels and etched aluminum, but inside it’s just a big metal box that holds everything together. Make sure you match it up with your motherboard size. For example, if you have an ATX motherboard, you need an ATX (or “full-size”) case.

Suggested HardwareCorsair Obsidian Series ATX Full Tower: There are lots of kinds of cases. Some are super small, others are enormous. And your decision will ultimately come down to the design you like as much as anything else. If you're unsure what to get, this one is great for your first build. Other case manufacturers we like are NZXT, Fractal, Phanteks, Cooler Master, and Lian Li.

NZXT H710i ATX Mid-Tower: This is one of my faves. It has a slick aesthetic and slightly compact silhouette without compromising cooling capability or accessibility.

MSI Gungnir 110R ATX Mid-Tower Case: This budget-friendly case is a solid option for most people. Be aware that it'll be a tight fit—there's almost no wiggle room for bulky cables or hyperspecific configurations. It looks nicer than you'd think for the money, and the RGB button syncs up your lights with very little effort. The smokey tempered glass allows them to shine through without turning your office into an EDM show.

Operating System

When you build a PC, you don't automatically have Windows included. You'll have to buy a license from Microsoft or another vendor and make a USB key to install it. Or you can check out the newly released Windows 11. Here’s a little more information about what all you get out of the newest version of Windows.

Putting It All Together

The internal layout of every gaming PC is a little different, so we're not going to get too far into the weeds here. Your best bet for specific instructions for your hardware will be referencing your manuals and searching for your components on YouTube. It can be super helpful to actually see a person handle and install your exact hardware, especially when you're stuck and can't quite figure out what the hell your manual is talking about. But here are some general tips for putting all these components together.

First, prep yourself a clean workspace. This can be a dining room table, a cleared-off desk—just any surface big enough for your case to lay flat on its side, with ample room around it for the rest of your components. You’ll also need a Phillips-head screwdriver that will fit the screws on your case. When you put these parts together, be sure to discharge any static buildup and work on a nonmetallic surface like a wooden table. Or you could just assemble the motherboard on top of the cardboard box it comes in.

Most of the components you bought are going to come with instruction manuals; keep them handy. We’re going to start with the motherboard, so open up the instruction manual to the installation page. It can be pretty intimidating—there’s a lot to look at—but think of all this as a big Lego set. Each piece fits into each other piece. For the motherboard, your first job is going to be seating your CPU.

Installing Your CPU

Depending on what kind of CPU you purchased (Intel or AMD), the chip will have either little prongs on one side (don’t touch them) or little golden contacts on one side (don’t touch them). Seriously, don’t touch that side of your chip. Oils from your fingertips can damage the contacts, or you might bend a pin. Do either one and your processor becomes nothing more than an expensive hunk of silicon.

Seating your processor is pretty easy. First, double-check your motherboard’s instructions and make sure you’ve unlocked the processor socket. It’ll be a big square with a bunch of little holes (or contacts), with a lever or button beside it. Your motherboard’s instructions will say explicitly how to unlock the socket so you can put your processor in without any issues.

Once you’ve confirmed that it’s unlocked and ready, just find which corner of your processor has a little golden triangle and line it up with the same symbol on your motherboard’s processor socket. Gently lower the processor into the socket, then gently flip the latch or locking mechanism. You shouldn’t have to fight it. If you have to press really hard, double-check that the processor is socketed correctly.

Next, you’re going to need your thermal paste. That little tiny plastic syringe of silvery goo is very important for this next step. Now that your processor is seated, take a look at the shiny square of silicon in the center of it. That’s where your heat sink is going to sit. Your processor came with a heat sink, and on one side of it, you’ll see a copper circle. You’re going to be putting the heat sink directly on top of the processor after we apply the thermal paste, with the silicone square and the copper circle lining up perfectly.

Go ahead and carefully squeeze a tiny ball (no bigger than a pea) of thermal paste onto the silicon square on your processor. You’ll want it as close to the center as you can get.

Now line up your heat sink with the screws surrounding your processor, and gently lower it into place. You’re gonna squish the thermal paste, and the goal here is to create a thin layer covering the back of your processor. It’s OK if it oozes a little bit, but if it oozes out and over the edge of the processor, you used too much. Get some isopropyl alcohol, dab it on a lint-free wipe, and wipe the processor and heat sink. Wait till they’re thoroughly dry and try again.

If it looks all right, screw your heat sink into place. Flip back to your motherboard instruction book and find the right place near the processor socket to plug in your heat sink’s cooling fan. It should be very close to your processor socket. Once you’ve found it, plug it in—congratulations, you just installed a CPU. This was the hardest part, and it’s over. Good job!
Installing Your Storage and Memory

Memory is maybe the easiest thing to install. See those vertical little sockets beside the CPU? Line up your sticks of RAM and slot them in, starting from the left-hand slot. They’ll lock into place once you’ve seated them properly. If you have two sticks of RAM, make sure to skip a slot between them. Your motherboard manual should say which slots to use.

For your hard drive or solid-state drive (SSD), find an empty bay in the front-facing part of your case. Slide your drive in and screw it into place. If you have an M.2 drive (a tiny SSD about the size of a stick of gum), there should be a place on the motherboard where you slot it in directly. Check out your motherboard’s manual to see where the M.2 slot is if you can't find it.
Installing Your Motherboard and Power Supply

The rest of this is formulaic. Start by putting your motherboard into your case. Consult your motherboard’s instructions, line up the screw holes in the case with the ones on your motherboard, and get to work.

Next, you’ll want to install your power supply. There should be a spot for it near the top or bottom of the case, a big square spot that will fit your supply perfectly. If you’re having trouble finding it, look at the back of your case: There’ll be a big empty square. That’s where the power supply goes (and where you’ll plug in your PC when you’re all done). Once you've found its home, slot it in and screw it into place.

Make sure all the snaky cables coming out of the power supply will reach your motherboard with room to spare. Don’t plug in anything yet; we’re going to come back to the power supply in a bit.

Installing Your Graphics Card

Your GPU is going to be pretty big. Even a modestly powerful GPU like the GTX 1060 is large compared to your other components. That means how it fits into your case is important. Once you put your GPU in there, space is going to start getting tight.

Flip open your motherboard’s instruction book again and look for a PCIe slot. It’s going to be a horizontal slot with a little plastic latch beside it, near the middle or bottom of your motherboard. That’s where the GPU plugs in. All you need to do is identify the back of your GPU (the side with the HDMI and DisplayPorts), line that up with the back of your case, and push the GPU into the horizontal slot. It should lock into place easily enough; if it doesn’t, make sure you’re inserting it correctly.

Find another one of those tiny little screws and fasten your GPU to the case. There’s a little spot for that on the same piece of metal with the HDMI ports. It should be easy to find.

Now, take a look at the cables coming out of your power supply. There should be a few that look like they could fit into the square (or rectangular) socket on the side of your GPU. It should look like six or eight little holes in a rectangle shape. If you’re having trouble, take a look at this video from hardware manufacturer Asus. Some of the specifics will be different, but it’s a great look at how to install a GPU.

Ribbon Cables

The motherboard needs to be hooked into all your devices. The power supply unit I used in this build is what's called fully modular, which means that you can select the cables you need and leave the rest off to eliminate clutter. Otherwise, power supplies have a ton of cables, and you'll have to deal with the unused power connections dangling inside your case. You'll need to connect the PSU to the SSD and the motherboard.


You also need to plug the motherboard into your case—the power buttons, audio plugs, and USB ports on the front of your case. There are special headers for each kind of plug scattered around the board, so you'll want to check your manual for the location and function of each grouping of pins. These tiny pins need to be plugged in a certain way, and they're unbelievably minuscule. There's also a hookup for the case's fan—in the case I used there was one header on the motherboard but three fans installed. Then there's the SATA cable for your SSD, which plugs into the motherboard.

This part of your build really depends on the hardware you purchased, so consult the manuals for each component to ensure you've correctly plugged it into your motherboard and the power supply.

Boot It Up and Install Windows

The final stage of your build is a simple one: Hit your power button. If the PC whirs to life, you probably put it together perfectly! If it doesn't, don't despair. There are a lot of potential problems that could cause a PC to fail to boot up for the first time. This video from Kingston goes over some pitfalls that might cause you some headaches, so if you're not able to boot your PC, give it a watch and retrace your steps.

There's also a chance you could have received faulty components. This video goes over some tips on how to check your parts. In general, if you’re having trouble with a specific component, YouTube is your friend. There are tons of helpful PC-building tutorials.

If it started up just fine, the next step is super easy: Turn it off. Remember that Windows flash drive you made earlier? Plug it into the PC and boot it up again. If you set it up right, your computer should just do its thing and get started installing Windows. If not, you might need to open your BIOS (check your motherboard's manual for how to do that) and set the USB drive to be a “boot device” first. Here's a brief rundown of that process (start at step 3).

You Did It!

Congratulations on building your first PC. It's a bit of a pain, but it's a great way to spend an afternoon. Or a couple of days, depending on how many unforeseen headaches you run into. Seeing as the pandemic is still sticking around, and there's even a fun new booster to get (yay), you can use your new PC to help you spend all those extra indoor hours productively (or just grinding out loot in Destiny 2).

The UN Climate Talks Are About to Face Maddening Uncertainties

GREGORY BARBER MATT SIMON

FOR YEARS, THE world has known what it has to do about climate change: hold the line at 1.5 degrees Celsius to stave off the worst effects of warming. To do so we need to make serious cuts to carbon emissions, fast—at least 42 percent from 2019 levels by 2030. That’s been the aim since 2015, when world leaders came together to sign the Paris Agreement. So around this time last year, when global climate negotiators arrived at the United Nations’ annual Conference of Parties meeting, known as COP26, they came with a clear mandate. Yet by the end of the marathon negotiations, they left Glasgow with the carbon arithmetic far from solved.

One year later, the math still isn’t pretty. The margin of error? Somewhere between 0.9 and 1.3 degrees C past 1.5, according to a UN report released shortly before COP27, the next stop on the annual carousel of global climate talks, which begins on Monday. That stubborn overshoot is disappointing, says Taryn Fransen, a senior fellow at the World Resources Institute and one of the report’s lead authors. Since Glasgow, there’s been a year of haggling. Negotiators should be coming back this year in Sharm el Sheikh, Egypt, armed with more ambitious promises that they couldn’t make before: Perhaps their country has found a new way to trim methane emissions or to save a carbon-sucking forest or has passed legislation that funds renewables. And yet, despite promises to the contrary, only a handful of countries have pledged more cuts, which together represent only 0.5 out of the 13 gigatons of CO2 scientists say must be slashed by 2030 to meet the Paris goal.

Russia Is Ramping Up Nuclear War Propaganda

JUSTIN LING

FOR MONTHS, PRO-KREMLIN media has struck a bellicose tone, proposing that President Vladimir Putin take the extraordinary step of launching a nuclear strike against Ukraine. Across Russian state TV and social media sites, pundits and presenters warned that Europe could be reduced to ashes should it continue its support for Ukraine.

Last week, Moscow leaned into that rhetoric, conducting nuclear weapons drills while accusing Kyiv of planning a false-flag attack, perhaps with a nuclear-laced “dirty bomb.”

“Our information on Ukraine’s potential provocations involving the use of a nuclear bomb is sufficiently reliable,” Russian foreign minister Sergei Lavrov told a press conference on October 24. Defense minister Sergei Shoigu had conveyed this supposedly reliable information to the leaders of the United States, United Kingdom, France, and Turkey, according to read-outs from the Russian government.

TikTok’s Greatest Asset Isn’t Its Algorithm—It’s Your Phone


TIKTOK'S ASCENT TO becoming the most popular site on the internet has sparked endless discussions about its stickiness—as if it were capable of hacking our normal cognitive pathways and transmitting messages straight into our brains. For the most part, critical analysis attributed the platform’s effectiveness to its seemingly all-powerful algorithm. Technology critics like Eleanor Cummins and Rob Horning, for example, unpacked the ways users saw the algorithm as a tool for self-discovery—how it seemed to be “showing you who you’ve always been,” ensuring an endorsement of content it delivered. Others have dissected the cultural appeal of the algorithm, claiming that it fills a void in contemporary spiritual life by positioning itself as a data-backed deity that reads our swipes and likes much like the ancient oracles did our palms and stars. Taken as a whole, these analyses see misplaced faith in the algorithm as the primary culprit behind our particular vulnerabilities to TikTok.

The overriding focus on the algorithm—and the content it delivers—has caused us to overlook a central part of TikTok’s operating logic: the phone. A failure to fully explore the role of this device in TikTok’s powers of transmission has resulted in a limited appreciation of how the platform works; after all, it’s not simply content, but rather medium and context that inform how we receive information through a given channel.

Take, for example, the transition from the cinema to TV that occurred in the mid-20th century and enabled moving images to enter our homes. Once constrained to the theater, this content began to live alongside us—we watched it as we got ready in the mornings, ate dinner, hosted guests, spent time with family. Theorists like Marshall McLuhan noticed that as moving pictures were taken out of the dark, anonymous communes of the theater and placed within our domestic spaces, the foundational mechanics of how we received, processed, and related to them changed. As newly engrained features of our dwellings—which Heidegger recognizes as deeply intertwined with our sense of being in the world—they took on a familiar casualness. Viewers increasingly developed “parasocial” relationships with the people they saw through these screens, as Donald Horton and R. Richard Wohl note in the foundational paper in which they coin the term. Home audiences grew to see these mass media personas as confidants and friends, giving broadcasters the means to manipulate audiences at a more personal level.

China Is Now a Major Space Power With the Tiangong station's completion, the country has a long-term platform in orbit.


THE SIZE OF the neighborhood in low Earth orbit has now officially doubled. On October 31, China launched the final piece of its new Tiangong space station, completing its construction.

The 18-meter lab module, named Mengtian (meaning “dreaming of the heavens”), enables a range of scientific experiments and now allows the station to accommodate up to six people at a time. It currently hosts commander Chen Dong and two other astronauts.

It’s a significant accomplishment for China’s rapidly growing space program, which plans to build a base on the moon, deploy a lunar rover, and send new landers and orbiters to Mars. It’s also the first long-term neighbor the International Space Station has had since Russia’s Mir station was deorbited in 2001. (China flew two Tiangong experimental prototypes between 2011 and 2019, but they are no longer orbiting.) “This is important for the Chinese space program. The International Space Station won’t run for much longer. You may well end up with only one orbiting space station—the Chinese one,” says Fabio Tronchetti, a space law professor at Beihang University in Beijing and the University of Mississippi.

NEW REPORT SHEDS LIGHT ON PENTAGON’S SECRET WARS PLAYBOOK

Nick Turse

THE UNITED STATES has fought more than a dozen “secret wars” over the last two decades, according to a new report from the Brennan Center for Justice at New York University’s School of Law. Through a combination of ground combat, airstrikes, and operations by U.S. proxy forces, these conflicts have raged from Africa to the Middle East to Asia, often completely unknown to the American people and with minimal congressional oversight.

“This proliferation of secret war is a relatively recent phenomenon, and it is undemocratic and dangerous,” wrote Katherine Yon Ebright, counsel in the Brennan Center’s Liberty and National Security Program. “The conduct of undisclosed hostilities in unreported countries contravenes our constitutional design. It invites military escalation that is unforeseeable to the public, to Congress, and even to the diplomats charged with managing U.S. foreign relations.”

These clandestine conflicts have been enabled by the 2001 Authorization for Use of Military Force, enacted in the wake of the September 11 attacks, as well as the covert action statute, which allows secret, unattributed operations, primarily conducted by the CIA. The United States has also relied on a set of obscure security cooperation authorities that The Intercept has previously investigated, including in an exposรฉ earlier this year that revealed the existence of unreported U.S. counterterrorism efforts in Egypt, Lebanon, Syria, and Yemen. Ebright documents so-called 127e programs, known by their legal designation, in those countries and 12 others: Afghanistan, Cameroon, Iraq, Kenya, Libya, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Somalia, and Tunisia, as well as a country in the Asia-Pacific region that has not yet been publicly identified.

Maneuvering minefields: China’s Xi contemplates visiting Saudi Arabia

James M. Dorsey

Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi hit all the right cords when he spoke virtually with his Saudi counterpart, Prince Faisal Bin Farhan, at a meeting of the China-Saudi Arabia High-Level Joint Committee last month.

Mr. Wang told Mr. Bin Farhan: "China attaches great importance to the development of China-Saudi Arabia relations and puts Saudi Arabia at a priority position in China's overall diplomacy, its diplomacy with the Middle East region in particular."

Mr. Wang's statement came amid Saudi reports, yet to be confirmed by China, of a pending visit by President Xi Jinping to the kingdom before the end of the year.

Mr. Xi will likely meet Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman at a Group of 20 summit in Bali later this month.

The Saudi reports did not mention the Chinese leader stopping in other countries, particularly Iran.

Thinking about quitting Twitter? What Elon Musk and $8 a month for blue check marks means for the future of the platform

Lauren Morello, Matthew Zeitlin

THE NEWS

A small but growing number of celebrities — including Shonda Rhimes and Stephen King — are leaving Twitter over the platform’s new owner and unabashedly polarizing figure, Elon Musk. Reasons cited? Musk’s laissez-faire attitude about misinformation on the platform and Musk’s new plan to charge $8 a month for those who want to keep their coveted blue check mark.

But the social media platform is used by 238 million active daily users globally, a Twitter spokesperson told Reuters in October, and the vast majority don’t make it onto Entertainment Tonight for our adorable dog tweet or care about the blue check. So will regular old tweeters drop off Twitter too?

Eh … with no other platform that’s quite like it, and Musk seemingly willing to compromise on the blue check fee, it comes down to whether people can kick that dopamine hit they get every time they log on — and if they even care enough about what/who Musk lets tweet (and his next money-making scheme) to try.

Putin, his commanders and Russia’s nuclear option in Ukraine: What you need to know

Tom Nagorski, Joshua Keating and Dan Vergano

Ever since his invasion of Ukraine, Russian President Vladimir Putin has repeatedly reminded the world of the most dangerous weapons at his disposal. Now, for the first time, a report suggests that top Russian military leaders have discussed when and how they might use a tactical nuclear weapon in Ukraine.

According to the New York Times, senior U.S. officials learned of these conversations in mid-October. The officials said that Putin was not involved in the discussions, and they would not describe specific scenarios the Russian leaders had considered.

The report lands at a particularly tense moment in the war.

Battlefield setbacks and an emboldened Ukrainian resistance have shut down — for now — any negotiations to end the war, narrowing the list of potential endgames. As Grid’s Joshua Keating reported last week, the current trajectory of the conflict makes it hard to imagine any scenarios other than “a coup or a nuke” — meaning Putin will either be overthrown or use every means at his disposal to avoid defeat. And the new intelligence comes to light as the Kremlin has been promoting baseless claims that Ukraine plans to use a so-called dirty bomb — a conventional explosive laced with radioactive material; American and other officials fear Russia might use that false claim as the pretext for a nuclear response.

How Did the 20th Party Congress Impact China’s Military?


From October 16–22, 2022, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) convened its 20th National Congress to reshuffle the country’s leadership roster and set the political and policy direction going forward. Party congresses, which only take place once every five years, are closely scrutinized for clues into China’s opaque political system. As part of broader personnel shifts, the top brass of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) was significantly altered, offering insights into the trends underway within China’s military.

This ChinaPower feature was originally published before the 20th Party Congress with analysis of past personnel changes within the PLA leadership to identify important trends and to forecast changes that could take place at the 20th Party Congress. Following the conclusion of the 20th Party Congress, a new section was added to lay out and analyze key PLA-related outcomes from the party gathering.

Pre-Party Congress Analysis: Trends and Forecasts

The analysis in this section reflects trends leading up to the 20th Party Congress and has not been changed after the Party Congress. See the following section for analysis of the new Central Military Commission and the outcomes of the Party Congress.

Assessing Russian State Capacity to Develop and Deploy Advanced Military Technology

Samuel Bendett, Richard Connolly, Jeffrey Edmonds

Introduction

Even before Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, many analysts and policymakers viewed Russia as a declining power. This mindset, formed by the sharp juxtaposition between the seeming strength of the Soviet Union and the chaos and weakness of Russia in the 1990s, has been an enduring heuristic for how Russia today is understood. The country’s stagnant and resource-dependent economy, declining population, and substantial brain drain have fed a sense that Russia’s days as a global power are numbered. The war in Ukraine has only accelerated some of these trends, further reinforcing such views. The Russian military’s poor performance, the degradation of its forces, and the imposition of sanctions and export controls that will restrict Russia’s ability to regenerate its forces have already led some to dismiss the country as a Potemkin power and pronounce the end of its great power status.1

Russia undoubtedly will emerge from its war on Ukraine as a weaker power. But even during the post-Soviet period of sustained economic stagnation, brain drain, and demographic decline, the Russian state developed a new generation of hypersonic missiles, air and missile defenses, and nuclear weapons with novel means of propulsion. Russia has demonstrated that it is able not only to bring to fruition late-Soviet designs, but also to develop a follow-on generation of capabilities. Likewise, the Kremlin has continued to modernize and expand its nuclear capabilities.

Modernizing the Bretton Woods Institutions for the twenty-first century

Ajay Chhibber

This paper outlines reforms for Bretton Woods Institutions – such as the World Bank Group (WGB), the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the World Trade Organization (WTO). The world needs a Bretton Woods 2.0 for the twenty-first century. The challenges that led to World War II — inequality, protectionism, and rising nationalism — have resurfaced and created the dire need for reform of these institutions.

New, even bigger challenges — such as climate change, pandemics, global inflation, and supply chain disruptions — now threaten the global economy and trade. The current institutions are too small and ill-equipped to adequately address the threats of widening wars and surging food and fuel prices. This paper argues that a new international financial and economic architecture is needed. Bretton Woods Institutions must be modernized and revamped to help address these problems for the remainder of the twenty-first century.

The new system requires three core “Rs” – a revised global remit, an enhanced resource base to help individual countries confront collective global problems, and the mandate to monitor agreed-upon global rules. The IMF must refocus itself on addressing global financial instability and macroeconomic policy. The World Bank must become a financial institution focused on planetary sustainability and shared prosperity. A strengthened WTO must become the forum for freer and fairer trade in goods, services, and cross-border transactions.

How China Views It: Sino-American Technology Competition

Dan Blumenthal

Introduction

In the fall of 2021, in partnership with the Hertog Foundation, I led a research fellowship called “National Security & Sino-American Technology Competition.” Fifteen emerging Asia strategists and technologists took part in a series of 18 evening seminars taught by top subject-matter experts on a wide range of topics, including artificial intelligence, cyberwarfare, semiconductors, biotechnology, and energy. I was fortunate to be able to draw on the expertise of my AEI colleagues—Mackenzie Eaglen, Sheena Chestnut Greitens, Kori Schake, and Derek Scissors—and leading researchers and practitioners, including Tarun Chhabra, senior director for technology and national security at the National Security Council; Lt. Gen. Jack Shanahan (ret.), former director of the Joint Artificial Intelligence Center; Michael Lauer, deputy director for extramural research at the National Institutes of Health; and James Mulvenon.

The fellows applied what they learned in the seminars to their own independent research project on US-China technology competition. The two reports that follow this foreword are from that exercise’s top papers and were presented at a policy salon dinner hosted by AEI. Some of the policy community’s top China and technology experts attended and took part in a lively and enriching discussion.

The Contemporary Global ‘Security for Hire’ Industry: An Overview

Sergey Sukhankin

Introduction

The use of private security and paramilitary entities for achieving specific geopolitical and economic objectives experienced a resurgence between 2011 and 2020, being primarily attributed to Russia`s adventurist actions in the Middle East (Syria and Libya),[1] Central and Eastern Europe (Ukraine)[2] and Sub-Saharan Africa.[3] Having produced mixed results, Russia`s example did, however, draw the attention of other actors to the phenomenon of private military and security companies (PM/SCs).[4] Perhaps, most importantly, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) started to demonstrate a much greater interest in the use of PM/SCs in areas where Beijing has developed significant economic and business interests, which are tightly knitted with geopolitical agendas.

This report—the first in a series of publications comprising the project “Guardians of the Belt and Road: The Role of Private Military Security Companies in Securing China’s Overseas Interests”—aims to provide a general description of the global “security for hire” industry. By analysing selected models, speculation will focus on an approach that is likely to be taken by the PRC in its increasing interests in the use of the aforementioned firms and entities. This broad goal will be pursued through the following research objectives:Explain the historical background and key milestones in the formation, development and increased sophistication of privatized security services,

Turkish Drone Strategy in the Black Sea Region and Beyond

Can Kasapoglu

Introduction: 

Turkey as a ‘Dronized’ Military Power on Russia’s Doorstep

Geopolitically, Turkey is a game-changer. Without Turkey being a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the transatlantic Alliance would have had a truly different “mapping” of its surrounding environment. Such a “different mapping” would, quite negatively, pertain to a broad array of agendas, ranging from anti-ISIS operations to the Black Sea correlation of forces and the ability to pursue crisis management operations beyond NATO’s frontiers.

Within only a few years, between 2015 and 2019, Ankara has been transformed from being the main reason behind Russia’s anti-access/area denial weapon systems deployments to Syria—including the S-400 strategic surface-to-air missile (SAM) systems—into, strikingly, the one and only NATO nation that procured a Russian strategic weapon in the aftermath of Moscow’s 2014 aggression in Crimea. Since then, Turkey has become the primary armed drone seller to the Ukrainian military with a recent combat record in Donbas. This drastic swing is making things much more difficult for analysts and policymakers. The Ukrainian drone strikes in Donbas and Turkish unmanned systems mushrooming in Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus have further complicated Turkish-Russian relations.

7 November 2022

Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan Descending Into Chaos and Full-Scale War

Paul Goble

What had been a long-running local conflict between Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan regarding the delimitation of borders and the fate of exclaves has now expanded over the past two weeks to include major military units and the targeting of infrastructure deep within the territory of both countries. As a result, the chance for a full-scale war between the two Central Asian countries has become ever more likely (see EDM, September 23; Ia-centr.ru, October 30). At the same time, a potential agreement resolving border disputes between Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan has now sparked protests by Kyrgyzstani citizens opposed to the accord, which threatens to further destabilize the already troubled country and possibly drive it into war (Cabar.asia, November 1). These developments would be serious enough on their own, but they have been compounded by the meddling of outside powers, including Russia, China and the United States (see EDM, February 15, June 22, October 25), as well as the growing threat emanating from Afghanistan for Tajikistan most directly but also for Kyrgyzstan and other parts of Central Asia (see EDM, September 20).

While the Kyrgyzstani-Tajikistani conflict is intertwined with the Kyrgyzstani-Uzbekistani clash, it is far more likely to lead to a major war than the latter, according to Aleksandr Knyazev, a specialist on Central Asia at St. Petersburg State University (Ia-centr.ru, October 30). Knyazev points out that the border clashes between Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan have not only increasingly involved regular army units from both sides but have also led to the arming of both populations, something that raises the possibility of a partisan war in either country—one that could resemble the anti-Soviet Basmachi movement in the 1920s and 1930s. But what is most worrisome, he says, is that both countries are using drones and other long-distance weaponry to attack regions far from their shared border, including as distant as the Pamirs in southern Tajikistan on its border with Afghanistan.

Kherson braces for battle as the Russia administration evacuates.

Marc Santora and Ivan Nechepurenko

KYIV, Ukraine — With Russian and Ukrainian forces apparently girding to battle for the city of Kherson, signs of Kremlin rule are disappearing from the city’s streets while the remaining residents, unsure what to believe and afraid of what comes next, are stocking up on food and fuel to survive combat.

Russian soldiers, patrols and checkpoints have suddenly become extremely scarce in the city center, according to residents reached by phone on Thursday, and most civilians have left. The Russian tricolor flag, raised over government offices after Moscow’s forces captured Kherson in February, was missing on Thursday from the main regional administrative building and other sites.

Why Xiaomi Left India’s Fintech Market

Hugh Harsono

In October 2022, Xiaomi, the Chinese designer and manufacturer of many consumer electronic devices, solidified its status as the world’s third-largest smartphone vendor behind leaders Apple and Samsung. Xiaomi’s reputation as an affordable smartphone provider, combined with its entire ecosystem of products, services, and software, has helped to fill a relatively large gap in providing economical access to digital services in many developing countries, to include India.

In spite of this success, in late October 2022, Xiaomi pulled its MiPay and MiCredit apps from the Indian market. This move is particularly curious given Xiaomi’s status as India’s top smartphone vendor, despite the sector’s decline in late 2022. The removal of these ancillary business services supported by Xiaomi highlights the increasing desire for governments like India to control data and information more effectively domestically, in contrast to relying on externally sourced technologies prone to state-actor influence.

Xiaomi publicly stated in January 2021 that its products are not “owned, controlled, or affiliated with the Chinese military,” in response to having been designated as a “Communist Chinese military company” by the United States at the time. Though this designation was lifted a few months later in May 2021, there is no doubt that Xiaomi’s independent status could be co-opted by the Chinese government at any given time. This is primarily due to legal mechanisms that could be utilized to force cooperation with Chinese authorities, such as China’s National Intelligence Law and the National Security Law.

How Committed Are China and Russia to Their Strategic Partnership?

Kevin Modlin and Zenel Garcia
Source Link

U.S. officials and their counterparts in allied and partner countries increasingly view China’s position on the Russian war in Ukraine as a sign that Beijing has taken “Moscow’s side” and as evidence of a strong strategic partnership. However, events leading up to, and during, the recent Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) meeting support arguments that the Sino-Russian relationship is limited in scope. Specifically, it is a relationship that is narrowly defined by a mutual interest in accelerating the emergence of a multipolar order that places limits on U.S. hegemony. Despite this convergence of interests, the two parties diverge on key aspects of this order. Furthermore, it is evident that Beijing and Moscow have sought to avoid making commitments to each other, which limits their capacity for cooperation, much less coordination on mutual interests. As a result, their bilateral relationship is best understood as a limited strategic partnership.

Russian President Vladimir Putin’s September 30 speech on the annexation of Donetsk, Luhansk, Zaporizhzhia, and Kherson referenced his aspirations for a multipolar order. This has not only been a core component of Russian foreign policy since the 1990s, but also the basis for Sino-Russian relations. This is evident from their “Joint Declaration on a Multipolar World and Establishing a New International Order” in 1997 as well as the founding charter of the SCO in 2002. Additionally, joint statements between the two countries have regularly referred to efforts to promote multipolarity over the past three decades.

What the 20th Party Congress Report Tells Us About China’s AI Ambitions

Jie Gao

At China’s 20th Party Congress, Chinese Communist Party (CCP) General Secretary Xi Jinping delivered a lengthy speech outlining his vision for the next decade. Notably, compared to his report five years ago, Xi dedicated a whole section to technological development and talent management.

While Washington has attempted to slow down China’s advancement in artificial intelligence (AI) with new export controls, Beijing is determined to catch up with a comprehensive set of policy measures. It aims to achieve “great self-reliance and strength in science and technology.”

This article will analyze the implications of the 20th Party Congress report on China’s technological development, focusing on AI.

What Rishi Sunak’s Victory Means for India and Indians

Duygu ร‡aฤŸla Bayram

Following the resignation of Liz Truss after a mere forty-nine-day tenure, Indian-origin Rishi Sunak became the next leader of the United Kingdom’s ruling Conservative Party and the country’s next prime minister, on the day of Diwali, a major Hindu festival. The historic success of a forty-two-year-old Indian politician making it to the top post of India’s former colonial master has again triggered intense interest from India’s diaspora around the world. But more to the point, this victory, hailed as a Barack Obama moment, also means one more sample that encourages and roots the Indian diaspora in the context of self-confidence and self-expression.

The Indian diaspora is one of the most effective weapons of India’s soft power. With over 32 million members, India has the second-largest diaspora in the world after that of China. The power of the Indian diaspora is fueled by its strong organization and lobbying, as well as its members’ high-mettled pursuit of higher education qualifications to prove their worth, which also facilitates their climb of political ladders in the countries where they dwell in. Sunak, a son of conventional immigrant parents of Hindu Punjabi background, told journalist Ben Judah in 2015, “My grandparents came with very little from a village in northern India, and two generations on, their grandson has this enormous privilege of running as a candidate for parliament. For my family, the route was education.”

What China’s Military Reshuffle Means for Asia

 Atul Kumar

On October 23, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) selected new members for its top ruling organs in the 20th National Congress. A sizable number of the CCP’s Central Committee members come from the People’s Liberation Army (PLA). In addition, China’s supreme military administrative establishment, the Central Military Commission (CMC), underwent a comprehensive reshuffle, and four new members joined. This reshuffle in China’s higher military leadership reflects Beijing’s shifting threat perceptions in the Indo-Pacific. It may yield a variation in China’s military modernization objectives, further influencing the regional security situation.

The CCP’s Central Committee

The CCP’s new Central Committee (CC) consists of 205 members and includes forty-three military representatives, compared to forty-one in the previous CC. About half of this group comes from the PLA Army. The rest consist of members from the Air Force, the Navy, the Strategic Support Force (SSF), the Logistics Support Department, the Rocket Force, and the People’s Armed Police. The Navy has effectively doubled its strength to eight members, up from four in the previous CC. The PLA Air force, however, remains at six members of the CC.

Russia, Ukraine and China, this is the reality of cyber warfare

magictr

The war between Russia and Ukraine began months ago but not only is fought through physical attacks, but part of the strategy includes the development of cyber attacks. These breaches of electronic devices belonging to the enemy were recorded in a Microsoft report on digital defense that summarizes these specific incidents in data.

The document prepared by the technology company, called the Microsoft Digital Defense Report, presented this year, indicates an increase of 20%of cyber attacks directed at critical infrastructures that were produced worldwide and detected by Microsoft, bringing this figure to 40%, the highest recorded to date.

This increase, according to the public document, could be explained by the attempt to damage the Ukrainian infrastructure and the aggressive espionage directed at Ukraine's allies, including the United States, which was identified as the country targeted by the most cyberattacks in the world followed by the United United Kingdom.

Russian missile strikes overshadow cyberattacks as Ukraine reels from blackouts

Sean Lyngaas

Russia has pummeled Ukrainian cities with missile and drone strikes for much of the past month, targeting civilians and large swaths of the country’s critical infrastructure.

By Monday, 40% of Kyiv residents were left without water, and widespread power outages were reported across the country. On Thursday, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky accused Russia of ‘energy terrorism’ and said that about 4.5 million Ukrainian consumers were temporarily disconnected from the power supply.

The destruction exemplifies how indiscriminate bombing remains the Kremlin’s preferred tactic eight months into its war on Ukraine. Moscow’s vaunted hacking capabilities, meanwhile, continue to play a peripheral, rather than central, role in the Kremlin’s efforts to dismantle Ukrainian critical infrastructure.

“Why burn your cyber capabilities, if you’re able to accomplish the same goals through kinetic attacks?” a senior US official told CNN.

But experts who spoke to CNN suggest there is likely more to the question of why Russia’s cyberattacks haven’t made a more visible impact on the battlefield.

The Danger of a "Sleeping" Nuclear Deal: Stronger Russia, China, North Korea, Iran

Majid Rafizadeh

The Biden administration is sitting idly by as the Iranian regime ratchets up, and keeps getting away with, both its attacks on its own fed-up populace, and its delivery of weapons to Russia -- assisted, it seems, by China and North Korea.

In spite of US Special Envoy for Iran Robert Malley's recently having said that the White House is not going to "waste our time" on the nuclear deal "if nothing's going to happen," he nevertheless stressed that the Biden administration is still committed to employing diplomacy, presumably to revive it at a later date.

Some other officials such as the US House of Representatives Speaker Nancy Pelosi appear to be still in favor of reviving the nuclear deal. She said on October 25, 2022 that the United States has been "trying for a while now to have a nuclear agreement with Iran so that we can make the world a safer place."

Watch a lone Ukrainian paratrooper single-handedly knock out a Russian tank

NICHOLAS SLAYTON

This is probably best captured in a new video released by the Ukrainian government showing a Ukrainian paratrooper sneaking up behind a Russian tank and killing it with only two shots.

The footage, released by the Ukrainian Ministry of Defense and apparently taken by drone, shows a Russian tank trundling down a dirt road in a forested part of the country. A single soldier, identified by the defense ministry as a paratrooper, sneaks out of the woods, takes aim with an unidentified anti-tank weapon, and scores a direct hit on the top of the tank, identified by Ukraine Weapons Tracker on Twitter as a T-80BV. The tank veers forward in a plume of smoke, firing back briefly before a second explosion, apparently another strike, blows off its top.

“A soldier of the 95th Air Assault Brigade of the Armed Forces of Ukraine practically destroyed an enemy tank at close range. Glory to Ukraine!” the defense ministry wrote in its caption to the video in Ukrainian.

Good at Being Bad How Dictatorships Endure

Sheri Berman

In the early 1980s, the great scholar of democracy Robert Dahl observed that “in much of the world the conditions most favorable to the development and maintenance of democracy are nonexistent, or at best only weakly present.” Barely had Dahl penned these pessimistic words when it became clear that democracy was on the verge of its greatest historical efflorescence. During the late twentieth century, a democratic wave engulfed the globe, toppling dictator­ships in Africa, Asia, Latin America, southern and eastern Europe, and the Soviet Union. By the beginning of the present century, the world had more democracies than ever before.

If Dahl turned out to be overly gloomy about the future of democracy, however, many of his successors would be far too optimistic. Francis Fukuyama’s often misunderstood concept of “the end of history”—positing that the world had reached “the end point of mankind’s ideological evolution and the universalization of Western liberal democracy as the final form of human government”—captured the era’s Zeitgeist. Many other social scientists produced books and articles seeking to fathom this democratic wave and whether the democracies it created would endure. Since Dahl and his counter­parts in the previous generation had not anticipated the wave, the scholarship that arrived in its immediate wake focused less on the preconditions supposedly associated with successful democracy and more on the process of democratic transition. This perspective, which came to be known as “transitology,” argued that the origins of democratic regimes—that is, the way they transitioned from dictatorship to democracy—critically affected their development and chances of success.

US military entering ‘window of maximum danger’

Jamie McIntyre

Rep. Mike Gallagher is one of the strongest voices in Congress advocating a robust U.S. military capable of confronting China and defending American interests around the world. The Princeton University graduate was first elected in 2016 to represent Wisconsin's 8th Congressional District, covering Green Bay and the Badger State's northeastern realm.

Gallagher spent seven years in the Marine Corps, including two tours in Iraq, and holds several advanced degrees, including a Ph.D. in international relations from Georgetown University. Gallagher, 38, spoke with Washington Examiner senior writer on defense and national security Jamie McIntyre about why he believes the United States is entering a "window of maximum danger."

Washington Examiner: You were invited by the Heritage Foundation to preside over the release of its Index of U.S. Military Strength , which rates the readiness of the U.S. Army as “marginal,” the Navy and Space Force as “weak,” and the Air Force as “very weak” — the lowest grades in the nine-year history of the highly respected index. Only the Marine Corps, in which you served, and U.S. nuclear forces were rated “strong." What’s going on?

Rep. Mike Gallagher: I think it's a confluence of a few things. One, notwithstanding an infusion of dollars during the Trump administration to fix some readiness gaps, we've cut the military at a time when threats are increasing. Every budget proposed by recent presidents has amounted to a real term cut, at least the initial budgets [and that's what] the Biden budget was.

China Increases Support for Pakistan’s Naval Modernization with an Eye on the Indian Ocean

Syed Fazl-e-Haider

Introduction

In mid-July, the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) Navy and the Pakistan Navy (PN) held the “Sea Guardians-2” exercise in the waters off Shanghai (China Brief, October 4; Pakistan Television, July 12). The joint naval drills focused on neutralizing maritime security threats, particularly those that might jeopardize strategic sea lanes. The bilateral exercise also included joint target practice, anti-submarine, anti-aircraft and anti-missile drills (China Military Online [CMO], July 13). The drills built on the first iteration of the exercise, Sea Guardians-1, which was held in January 2020 in the North Arabian Sea off Karachi, Pakistan. The participation in these exercises of the guided missile frigate Taimur, which is the most advanced warship built by China for the PN, demonstrates the increasing level of Chinese support for the training and modernization of Pakistan’s naval forces (Global Times, July 10).

Bilateral military ties, which are a mainstay of the China-Pakistan all-weather friendship and strategic partnership, have strengthened in recent years. China is the main supplier of military equipment to Pakistan, which from 2017-2021 absorbed nearly 47 percent of all Chinese arms exports (China Brief, March 25). In a move to further deepen defense ties, China provided Pakistan with J-10C multi-role fighters in late 2021 (South Asian Voices , April 12). In June, a high-powered Pakistani delegation comprising top brass from the army, navy and air force paid a visit to China at a time when tensions between China and the West were on the rise (CMO, June 12). The visit was part of the Pakistan-China Joint Military Cooperation Committee (PCJMCC), which is the highest body involved in facilitating bilateral defense cooperation. Pakistan’s Chief of Army Staff General Qamar Javed Bajwa also attended the top-level committee’s meeting, along with senior-most counterparts in the PLA. Both countries vowed to further deepen their strategic partnership in challenging times and enhance their joint military cooperation in training, technology and counterterrorism (Express Tribune , June 12).

“Yan’an Spirit”: The Rise of Xi’s Lieutenants

John S. Van Oudenaren

Days after his dominant showing at the 20th Party Congress, General Secretary Xi Jinping led the newly appointed Politburo Standing Committee (PBSC) on a visit to the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) base of operations in the War with Japan and the Chinese Civil War in Yan’an, Shaanxi (Xinhuanet, October 27). A key theme of the visit was that the CCP’s achievement of political unity in the Yan’an era (1935-1948) enabled it to overcome much stronger foes. The leadership toured the site where the Seventh Party Congress was held in mid-1945 following the “Yan’an Rectification Movement” in which Mao consolidated control of the Party and established Mao Zedong Thought as dogma. The first excursion of a new PBSC is significant as it highlights the leadership’s areas of emphasis for the coming half-decade. Xi opted to visit Yan’an after a Party Congress in which he disregarded many long-held norms concerning leadership turnover in order to stack the Politburo with allies and protรฉgรฉs (China Brief, October 24). In Yan’an, Xi declared: “I have come here to manifest that the new central leadership will inherit and carry forward the glorious traditions and fine work styles of the Party cultivated during the Yan’an Period, and carry forward the Yan’an Spirit.” He defined the Yan’an Spirit as “adhering to the firm and correct political direction, emancipating the mind and seeking truth from facts, observing the principle of serving the people wholeheartedly, and practicing self-reliance and hard work” (People’s Daily, October 28). In identifying the new leadership with the “Yan’an spirt,” Xi is framing his recent consolidation of power as motivated not by self-interest, but by the imperative to unite the Party in challenging times.

The 20th Party Congress: Xi Jinping Exerts Overwhelming Control Over Personnel, but Offers No Clues on Reviving the Economy

Willy Wo-Lap Lam

General Secretary Xi Jinping has scored an overwhelming victory at the recently concluded 20th Party Congress and the First Plenum of the new Central Committee. Xi’s picks for the Politburo and its Standing Committee consist of unalloyed supporters, but these officials are also largely apparatchiks with expertise in areas such as ideology, propaganda and “party construction,” with a near-total absence of pragmatically minded technocrats experienced in finance and economics among them. As a result, most of Xi’s conservative, quasi-Maoist policies, including the zero-COVID policy, appear set to endure into the foreseeable future.

A Clean Sweep for the Xi Jinping Faction

In the new Politburo Standing Committee (PBSC)—the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) inner sanctum of power—Xi remains General Secretary and Chairman of the Party’s Central Military Commission (CMC). The other six PBSC members are considered members of the Xi Jinping Faction (XJPF). Shanghai Party Secretary Li Qiang (ๆŽๅผบ), who worked under Xi in Zhejiang Province from 2002 to 2007, will become premier. Other Xi allies in the supreme decision-making body include incumbent PBSC members: Secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI) Zhao Leji (่ตตไน้™…), who will become Chairman of the National People’s Congress; and chief ideologue Wang Huning (็Ž‹ๆฒชๅฎ), who will become Chairman of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference. In addition to Li Qiang, three other key Xi protรฉgรฉs earned promotions: Beijing Party Secretary Cai Qi (่”กๅฅ‡), who likely become the new Head of the Central Committee Secretariat; Guangdong Party Secretary Li Xi (ๆŽๅธŒ),who will become the next CCDI Secretary); and Director of the CCP General Office and Head of the Xi Jinping Office Ding Xuexiang (ไธ่–›็ฅฅ), who will likely become executive vice premier (Xinhuanet, October 23; Ming Pao, October 23; Nikkei Asia, October 23).

The Russia-Ukraine War: Has Beijing Abandoned Pragmatic Diplomacy?

Justyna Szczudlik

Introduction

Chinese diplomats contend that Beijing’s position on the “Russia-Ukraine conflict” (ไฟ„ไนŒๅ†ฒ็ช E wu chongtu) or the “Ukraine issue” (ไนŒๅ…‹ๅ…ฐ้—ฎ้ข˜, Wukelan wenti ) is “consistent and clear” (ไธ€่ดฏ็š„、ๆ˜Ž็กฎ็š„, yiguan de, mingque de) (People’s Republic of China Ministry of Foreign Affairs [FMPRC], May 5). However, China’s paradoxical stance on the Russia-Ukraine War underscores the difficulties that Beijing faces in carrying out sophisticated diplomacy. This has already had repercussions for China’s national interests and ability to achieve its foreign policy objectives. Therefore, any change of course by Beijing coming out of the recently concluded 20th Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Congress, appears unlikely.

Throughout the Russia-Ukraine War, China has neither condemned Russia, nor endorsed Ukraine for its resistance and self-defense. However, official discourse indicates the PRC’s supportive posture towards Russia. For example, Beijing consistently accuses the West, primarily the U.S., of provoking Moscow through “constant eastward expansion by NATO” (ๅŒ—็บฆไธๆ–ญไธœๆ‰ฉ, beiyue buduan dong kuo). During his recent visit to Russia, National People’s Congress Standing Committee Chairman Li Zhanshu (ๆ —ๆˆ˜ไนฆ) stated that China “understands and supports Russia” and echoed the Kremlin’s narrative that “the United States and NATO are expanding directly on Russia’s doorstep, threatening its national security and the lives of its citizens” (Twitter, September 13). Furthermore, in the first phone call between Chinese FM, Wang Yi (็Ž‹ๆฏ…) and his Russian counterpart Sergiei Lavrov following the 20th Party Congress, Wang said that China “firmly supports the Russian side, under the leadership of President Putin, to unite and lead the Russian people to overcome difficulties, eliminate disturbances, realize the strategic development goals and further establish Russia’s status as a major power on the international stage” (FMPRC, October 27). He also expressed China’s desire to deepen exchanges with Russia at all levels in order to promote international stability in a turbulent world.

Cybersecurity is an Infinite Game

Bob Gourley

Game theory, the study of competition and conflict, tells us there are two types of games: Finite Games and Infinite Games. Knowing which one you are playing is key to making optimal decisions.

Finite games are those that have a beginning and an end. The objective of a finite game is to win. The game ends when all sides know who the winner is. Examples of finite games include most battles in a traditional war; they end when there is a decisive victory. Sporting events are examples of more peaceable finite games.

Infinite games go on forever, as if they have no beginning and no end. At any one time a player may be ahead or behind, but the game continues as long as the players play. Examples of infinite games include the dynamics of business competition. There is no finish line in business.Espionage is an infinite game. A particular operation may be thwarted and agents arrested, but spies are going to spy.

Conflict is an infinite game. A particular battle or war may be a finite game with a winner, but the broader human conflict always continues.

Crime and law enforcement is an infinite game. Individual players may be taken off the field, but crime and law enforcement will never stop.

Global Crypto and Digital Currency Initiatives: U.S. Crypto, Digital Assets and National Security Policy

Daniel Pereira

We continue with our survey of crypto and digital currency initiatives from around the globe, all of which are officially sanctioned to enhance national competitive advantage (in the event crypto overtakes the US dollar as the global reserve currency). It is the cumulative adoption rate of state-sanctioned crypto and digital currency legalization and regulation that will propel this innovative system for value exchange as a global currency standard.

In previous posts, we provided an analysis of crypto and digital currency initiatives in Pakistan, Vietnam, Colombia, China, El Salvador, Panama, Ukraine, India, Argentina, and Russia.

We now return to the U.S. to evaluate crypto and digital asset initiatives announced via executive order in March of this year.

Anticipating What’s in Biden’s Cybersecurity Strategy

Emilio Iasiello

The Biden Administration recently published its National Security Strategy (NSS), a document that defines the government’s overall strategic priorities, and thereby serving as a guidelines for all U.S. government agencies. As such, it is the underpinning for agency-specific and other strategic documents like the Department of Defense’s National Defense Strategy and the forthcoming U.S. Government’s Cybersecurity Strategy. The NSS is a broad, high-level document focusing on two core strategic challenges – geopolitical competition and shared transnational threats, identifying both China and Russia as the United States primary adversaries. Per the strategy, China is the threat that the United States will “prioritize maintaining an enduring competitive edge over,” while Russia is the threat the United States will work toward constraining globally.

While referenced throughout the document, the strategy gave limited insight into how cybersecurity fits into the larger strategy, though the Administration’s dedicated cyber strategy is expected to be released sometime over the next couple of months. The small section in the NSS dedicated to “Securing Cyberspace” does not necessarily present a novel approach to grappling the challenges of the cyber ecosystem with respect to combatting the threats that have loomed, developed, and lingered for the past decade. The need to secure infrastructure, establish international norms of behavior for state activity, bolster international relationships and law enforcement cooperation, and counter hostile cyber activity are mainstay issues that consistently need to be addressed due to the dynamism of cyberspace.