In West Asia today, the tunnel is long and dark: the only sign of light is news that the US is perhaps encouraging Saudi Arabia to normalise ties with Iran.
As we survey the West Asian scenario at the end of 2014, it is difficult to recall those heady days four years ago when the Arab Spring had revealed its first promise of freedom and dignity, and opened for the Arab people a season of hope and infinite possibility. Over the years, those expectations have died a painful death, and the region has returned to its all-too-familiar expressions of animosity, intolerance, and violence, amidst scenes of individuals and communities murdered on social media, and millions condemned to refugee camps with no expectation of ever going back to the homes they knew.
Over all these developments is the looming presence of the Islamic State (IS) that has set up a Sunni caliphate, straddling the borders of Iraq and Syria, re-opening old sectarian and doctrinal faultlines, and overturning the regional geopolitical order.
The three principal nations in the region—Saudi Arabia, Iran and Turkey—rich in history and contemporary influence—are themselves deeply divided and mutually suspicious. They make vain attempts to grapple with the deteriorating situation, but achieve little since they have competing interests and cannot unite their efforts to confront the common scourge.
The regional situation is further complicated by the dramatic and unexpected fall in oil prices, to the extent of nearly 40 percent in six months, denying the countries of the region billions of dollars they desperately need for national development and to appease their restive populations lest they clamour for political change that would give them a voice in determining their own and their nations’ destiny.
In this confusing situation, it is important to go back to the first causes of this malaise. The Arab Spring posed a significant challenge to the political status quo that had characterised the region for several decades. The fact that this challenge came from Islamist groups made it even more daunting since their values and agenda were anchored in both Islam and modernity, proposing a fusion of Islamic principles and modern western political theory consisting of constitutionalism, political parties, elections, parliaments, and above all acceptance of universal human rights.
They thus resonated most effectively with the Arab populations and constituted a threat to the pre-modern patron-client political order and the attendant authoritarianism of the Arab polities. The latter struck back, taking advantage of the errors and ineptitude of the Islamist rulers in Egypt, and then demonising Iran for the promotion of its sectarian and hegemonic interests in the Arab world. The battle lines were thus drawn in Syria, whose leadership was now seen as an Alawi/Shia regime and therefore a sectarian enemy.