AKHIL RAMESH
India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi, left, shakes hands with Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese following a joint press conference at Admiralty House in Sydney, Australia, Wednesday, May 24, 2023. Modi is the only leader of the so-called Quad nations to continue with his scheduled visit to Australia after U.S. President Joe Biden pulled out of a planned meeting of the group in Sydney to return to Washington to focus on debt limit talks. (Dean Lewins/Pool Photo via AP)
In a last-minute change of plans due to the debt ceiling crisis in Washington, Biden cut short his trip to Asia with just the G7 and the Quad meetings in Hiroshima. He had to skip the meetings in the Pacific Islands and Australia, where the initial Quad leaders meeting was scheduled, to attend to the Republican gridlock on increasing the debt levels.
The old saying “one man’s loss is another’s gain” turns true in Biden’s case. Nonetheless, for the U.S. engagement with the Global South, it does not have to be a zero-sum endeavor. While Biden returned to Washington, the Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi went on with his scheduled trip to Papua New Guinea and Fiji to co-host the third iteration of the India-Pacific Islands Cooperation Forum, gaining much of the spotlight.
New Delhi can be Washington’s bridge to the Global South.
Leaders of the Global South certainly share that view. The Indian prime minister was greeted by the prime minister of Papua New Guinea, James Marape at the airport with a respectful touch of the feet, an Indian/Hindu tradition to seek the blessings of the elderly. Later at the India-Pacific Island Cooperation Forum, the PM of Guinea went on to elevate India as the “leader of the Global South.” Notably, taking a subtle jab at the U.S. and China, he said, “We are victims of global powerplay. You (Modi) are the leader of Global South. We will rally behind your leadership at global forums”
Marape labeling Modi this way is not just a complimentary welcome message. There are three major reasons for the leader of the Pacific Island nation to position Modi as such.
One, unlike the U.S. or Western nations, India and most nations in the Global South have a shared, blood-stained history (often as a product of Western imperialism) and resulting solidarity. As Marape put it, “We all come from a shared history. A history of being colonized. History that holds the nations of the Global South together. I thank you (PM Modi) for assuring me in the bilateral meeting that as you host G20 this year, you will advocate on issues that relate to the Global South.”
Notably, the Indian prime minister has consistently given voice to the region in international and multilateral platforms. Most recently, prior to his trip to Hiroshima, in an interview with Nikkei Asia, he promised “I will amplify concerns of the Global South.” Even as the chair of the G-20, Modi has advocated for the region.
Two, at the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic, India and China were the only nations to deliver vaccines to countries in dire need, such as Pacific Island nations. Particularly, India provided vaccines on time and as grants to struggling countries. The U.S. under Trump had vaccine export restrictions in place, essentially a soft ban on the exports.
Third, while the U.S. and Western nations have made the Russia-Ukraine war into an ideological battle of democracy versus autocracy and a fight for freedom, for many in the developing world that largely characterizes the Global South, the conflict affects the bottom of the proverbial pyramid by shooting up inflation levels from supply chain constraints. Pacific Island leaders and leaders such as Indonesia’s Joko Widodo, Brazil’s Luiz Inácio Lula de Silva and South African President Cyril Ramaphosa have emphasized the urgent need for a peace deal to arrest inflationary pressures over winning the ideological battle.
Even the Ukrainian leader, Volodymyr Zelensky, has become patently aware of this brewing sentiment. Against the backdrop of the G-7 meetings, Zelenksy and his team had bilateral meetings with their counterparts from India, Indonesia and Brazil.
The U.S.-India partnership has expanded from Hawaii to the Himalayas with the miliary’s of both democracies regularly engaging in exercises and drills. The national security agreements of the two lead discussions on supply chains and economic engagement. It is the opportune time for the U.S. to expand the strategic partnership to address concerns of the Global South. Insurers are fleeing states due to climate realities, not ‘anti-woke’ bulliesThe case for the EU’s ‘Defense of Democracy’ package
After all, while the U.S. may succeed in playing catch up to the technological and economic advancements of its competitor, China, playing catch up on goodwill and global reputation, with its blotted history and years of wars, is a whole different challenge, and it may not be able to win that battle all by itself.
As Biden prepares to host Modi for a State dinner later in June, he should actively work toward laying the foundation for the bridge to the Global South. The leader of the free world and the leader of the Global South can work together for global prosperity.
Akhil Ramesh is a senior fellow with the Pacific Forum. He has worked with governments, risk consulting firms and think tanks in the United States and India. Follow him on Twitter: Akhil_oldsoul.
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